Παρασκευή 10 Ιουνίου 2011
Bilderberg 2011 St.Moritz Swiss : Names of attendees Agenda: Unknownn !
Friday, June 10, 2011
Thanks to the fantastic work of Bilderberg activists, journalists and the Swiss media, we have now been able to obtain the full official list of 2011 Bilderberg attendees. Routinely, some members request that their names be kept off the roster so there will be additional Bilderbergers in attendance.
Infowars will be on the scene identifying other attendees not on the list.
Belgium
Coene, Luc, Governor, National Bank of Belgium
Davignon, Etienne, Minister of State
Leysen, Thomas, Chairman, Umicore
China
Fu, Ying, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs
Huang, Yiping, Professor of Economics, China Center for Economic Research, Peking University
Denmark
Eldrup, Anders, CEO, DONG Energy
Federspiel, Ulrik, Vice President, Global Affairs, Haldor Topsøe A/S
Schütze, Peter, Member of the Executive Management, Nordea Bank AB
Germany
Ackermann, Josef, Chairman of the Management Board and the Group Executive Committee, Deutsche Bank
Enders, Thomas, CEO, Airbus SAS
Löscher, Peter, President and CEO, Siemens AG
Nass, Matthias, Chief International Correspondent, Die Zeit
Steinbrück, Peer, Member of the Bundestag; Former Minister of Finance
Finland
Apunen, Matti, Director, Finnish Business and Policy Forum EVA
Johansson, Ole, Chairman, Confederation of the Finnish Industries EK
Ollila, Jorma, Chairman, Royal Dutch Shell
Pentikäinen, Mikael, Publisher and Senior Editor-in-Chief, Helsingin Sanomat
France
Baverez, Nicolas, Partner, Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP
Bazire, Nicolas, Managing Director, Groupe Arnault /LVMH
Castries, Henri de, Chairman and CEO, AXA
Lévy, Maurice, Chairman and CEO, Publicis Groupe S.A.
Montbrial, Thierry de, President, French Institute for International Relations
Roy, Olivier, Professor of Social and Political Theory, European University Institute
Great Britain
Agius, Marcus, Chairman, Barclays PLC
Flint, Douglas J., Group Chairman, HSBC Holdings
Kerr, John, Member, House of Lords; Deputy Chairman, Royal Dutch Shell
Lambert, Richard, Independent Non-Executive Director, Ernst & Young
Mandelson, Peter, Member, House of Lords; Chairman, Global Counsel
Micklethwait, John, Editor-in-Chief, The Economist
Osborne, George, Chancellor of the Exchequer
Stewart, Rory, Member of Parliament
Taylor, J. Martin, Chairman, Syngenta International AG
Greece
David, George A., Chairman, Coca-Cola H.B.C. S.A.
Hardouvelis, Gikas A., Chief Economist and Head of Research, Eurobank EFG
Papaconstantinou, George, Minister of Finance
Tsoukalis, Loukas, President, ELIAMEP Grisons
International Organizations
Almunia, Joaquín, Vice President, European Commission
Daele, Frans van, Chief of Staff to the President of the European Council
Kroes, Neelie, Vice President, European Commission; Commissioner for Digital Agenda
Lamy, Pascal, Director General, World Trade Organization
Rompuy, Herman van, President, European Council
Sheeran, Josette, Executive Director, United Nations World Food Programme
Solana Madariaga, Javier, President, ESADEgeo Center for Global Economy and Geopolitics
Trichet, Jean-Claude, President, European Central Bank
Zoellick, Robert B., President, The World Bank Group
Ireland
Gallagher, Paul, Senior Counsel; Former Attorney General
McDowell, Michael, Senior Counsel, Law Library; Former Deputy Prime Minister
Sutherland, Peter D., Chairman, Goldman Sachs International
Italy
Bernabè, Franco, CEO, Telecom Italia SpA
Elkann, John, Chairman, Fiat S.p.A.
Monti, Mario, President, Univers Commerciale Luigi Bocconi
Scaroni, Paolo, CEO, Eni S.p.A.
Tremonti, Giulio, Minister of Economy and Finance
Canada
Carney, Mark J., Governor, Bank of Canada
Clark, Edmund, President and CEO, TD Bank Financial Group
McKenna, Frank, Deputy Chair, TD Bank Financial Group
Orbinksi, James, Professor of Medicine and Political Science, University of Toronto
Prichard, J. Robert S., Chair, Torys LLP
Reisman, Heather, Chair and CEO, Indigo Books & Music Inc. Center, Brookings Institution
Netherlands
Bolland, Marc J., Chief Executive, Marks and Spencer Group plc
Chavannes, Marc E., Political Columnist, NRC Handelsblad; Professor of Journalism
Halberstadt, Victor, Professor of Economics, Leiden University; Former Honorary Secretary General of Bilderberg Meetings
H.M. the Queen of the Netherlands
Rosenthal, Uri, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Winter, Jaap W., Partner, De Brauw Blackstone Westbroek
Norway
Myklebust, Egil, Former Chairman of the Board of Directors SAS, sk Hydro ASA
H.R.H. Crown Prince Haakon of Norway
Ottersen, Ole Petter, Rector, University of Oslo
Solberg, Erna, Leader of the Conservative Party
Austria
Bronner, Oscar, CEO and Publisher, Standard Medien AG
Faymann, Werner, Federal Chancellor
Rothensteiner, Walter, Chairman of the Board, Raiffeisen Zentralbank Österreich AG
Scholten, Rudolf, Member of the Board of Executive Directors, Oesterreichische Kontrollbank AG
Portugal
Balsemão, Francisco Pinto, Chairman and CEO, IMPRESA, S.G.P.S.; Former Prime Minister
Ferreira Alves, Clara, CEO, Claref LDA; writer
Nogueira Leite, António, Member of the Board, José de Mello Investimentos, SGPS, SA
Sweden
Mordashov, Alexey A., CEO, Severstal
Schweden
Bildt, Carl, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Björling, Ewa, Minister for Trade
Wallenberg, Jacob, Chairman, Investor AB
Switzerland
Brabeck-Letmathe, Peter, Chairman, Nestlé S.A.
Groth, Hans, Senior Director, Healthcare Policy & Market Access, Oncology Business Unit, Pfizer Europe
Janom Steiner, Barbara, Head of the Department of Justice, Security and Health, Canton
Kudelski, André, Chairman and CEO, Kudelski Group SA
Leuthard, Doris, Federal Councillor
Schmid, Martin, President, Government of the Canton Grisons
Schweiger, Rolf, Ständerat
Soiron, Rolf, Chairman of the Board, Holcim Ltd., Lonza Ltd.
Vasella, Daniel L., Chairman, Novartis AG
Witmer, Jürg, Chairman, Givaudan SA and Clariant AG
Spain
Cebrián, Juan Luis, CEO, PRISA
Cospedal, María Dolores de, Secretary General, Partido Popular
León Gross, Bernardino, Secretary General of the Spanish Presidency
Nin Génova, Juan María, President and CEO, La Caixa
H.M. Queen Sofia of Spain
Turkey
Ciliv, Süreyya, CEO, Turkcell Iletisim Hizmetleri A.S.
Gülek Domac, Tayyibe, Former Minister of State
Koç, Mustafa V., Chairman, Koç Holding A.S.
Pekin, Sefika, Founding Partner, Pekin & Bayar Law Firm
USA
Alexander, Keith B., Commander, USCYBERCOM; Director, National Security Agency
Altman, Roger C., Chairman, Evercore Partners Inc.
Bezos, Jeff, Founder and CEO, Amazon.com
Collins, Timothy C., CEO, Ripplewood Holdings, LLC
Feldstein, Martin S., George F. Baker Professor of Economics, Harvard University
Hoffman, Reid, Co-founder and Executive Chairman, LinkedIn
Hughes, Chris R., Co-founder, Facebook
Jacobs, Kenneth M., Chairman & CEO, Lazard
Johnson, James A., Vice Chairman, Perseus, LLC
Jordan, Jr., Vernon E., Senior Managing Director, Lazard Frères & Co. LLC
Keane, John M., Senior Partner, SCP Partners; General, US Army, Retired
Kissinger, Henry A., Chairman, Kissinger Associates, Inc.
Kleinfeld, Klaus, Chairman and CEO, Alcoa
Kravis, Henry R., Co-Chairman and co-CEO, Kohlberg Kravis, Roberts & Co.
Kravis, Marie-Josée, Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute, Inc.
Li, Cheng, Senior Fellow and Director of Research, John L. Thornton China Center, Brookings Institution
Mundie, Craig J., Chief Research and Strategy Officer, Microsoft Corporation
Orszag, Peter R., Vice Chairman, Citigroup Global Markets, Inc.
Perle, Richard N., Resident Fellow, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research
Rockefeller, David, Former Chairman, Chase Manhattan Bank
Rose, Charlie, Executive Editor and Anchor, Charlie Rose
Rubin, Robert E., Co-Chairman, Council on Foreign Relations; Former Secretary of the Treasury
Schmidt, Eric, Executive Chairman, Google Inc.
Steinberg, James B., Deputy Secretary of State
Thiel, Peter A., President, Clarium Capital Management, LLC
Varney, Christine A., Assistant Attorney General for Antitrust
Vaupel, James W., Founding Director, Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research
Warsh, Kevin, Former Governor, Federal Reserve Board
Wolfensohn, James D., Chairman, Wolfensohn & Company, LLC
David Rockefeller ariving at Bilderberg summit 20011
Thanks to the fantastic work of Bilderberg activists, journalists and the Swiss media, we have now been able to obtain the full official list of 2011 Bilderberg attendees. Routinely, some members request that their names be kept off the roster so there will be additional Bilderbergers in attendance.
Infowars will be on the scene identifying other attendees not on the list.
Belgium
Coene, Luc, Governor, National Bank of Belgium
Davignon, Etienne, Minister of State
Leysen, Thomas, Chairman, Umicore
China
Fu, Ying, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs
Huang, Yiping, Professor of Economics, China Center for Economic Research, Peking University
Denmark
Eldrup, Anders, CEO, DONG Energy
Federspiel, Ulrik, Vice President, Global Affairs, Haldor Topsøe A/S
Schütze, Peter, Member of the Executive Management, Nordea Bank AB
Germany
Ackermann, Josef, Chairman of the Management Board and the Group Executive Committee, Deutsche Bank
Enders, Thomas, CEO, Airbus SAS
Löscher, Peter, President and CEO, Siemens AG
Nass, Matthias, Chief International Correspondent, Die Zeit
Steinbrück, Peer, Member of the Bundestag; Former Minister of Finance
Finland
Apunen, Matti, Director, Finnish Business and Policy Forum EVA
Johansson, Ole, Chairman, Confederation of the Finnish Industries EK
Ollila, Jorma, Chairman, Royal Dutch Shell
Pentikäinen, Mikael, Publisher and Senior Editor-in-Chief, Helsingin Sanomat
France
Baverez, Nicolas, Partner, Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP
Bazire, Nicolas, Managing Director, Groupe Arnault /LVMH
Castries, Henri de, Chairman and CEO, AXA
Lévy, Maurice, Chairman and CEO, Publicis Groupe S.A.
Montbrial, Thierry de, President, French Institute for International Relations
Roy, Olivier, Professor of Social and Political Theory, European University Institute
Great Britain
Agius, Marcus, Chairman, Barclays PLC
Flint, Douglas J., Group Chairman, HSBC Holdings
Kerr, John, Member, House of Lords; Deputy Chairman, Royal Dutch Shell
Lambert, Richard, Independent Non-Executive Director, Ernst & Young
Mandelson, Peter, Member, House of Lords; Chairman, Global Counsel
Micklethwait, John, Editor-in-Chief, The Economist
Osborne, George, Chancellor of the Exchequer
Stewart, Rory, Member of Parliament
Taylor, J. Martin, Chairman, Syngenta International AG
Greece
David, George A., Chairman, Coca-Cola H.B.C. S.A.
Hardouvelis, Gikas A., Chief Economist and Head of Research, Eurobank EFG
Papaconstantinou, George, Minister of Finance
Tsoukalis, Loukas, President, ELIAMEP Grisons
International Organizations
Almunia, Joaquín, Vice President, European Commission
Daele, Frans van, Chief of Staff to the President of the European Council
Kroes, Neelie, Vice President, European Commission; Commissioner for Digital Agenda
Lamy, Pascal, Director General, World Trade Organization
Rompuy, Herman van, President, European Council
Sheeran, Josette, Executive Director, United Nations World Food Programme
Solana Madariaga, Javier, President, ESADEgeo Center for Global Economy and Geopolitics
Trichet, Jean-Claude, President, European Central Bank
Zoellick, Robert B., President, The World Bank Group
Ireland
Gallagher, Paul, Senior Counsel; Former Attorney General
McDowell, Michael, Senior Counsel, Law Library; Former Deputy Prime Minister
Sutherland, Peter D., Chairman, Goldman Sachs International
Italy
Bernabè, Franco, CEO, Telecom Italia SpA
Elkann, John, Chairman, Fiat S.p.A.
Monti, Mario, President, Univers Commerciale Luigi Bocconi
Scaroni, Paolo, CEO, Eni S.p.A.
Tremonti, Giulio, Minister of Economy and Finance
Canada
Carney, Mark J., Governor, Bank of Canada
Clark, Edmund, President and CEO, TD Bank Financial Group
McKenna, Frank, Deputy Chair, TD Bank Financial Group
Orbinksi, James, Professor of Medicine and Political Science, University of Toronto
Prichard, J. Robert S., Chair, Torys LLP
Reisman, Heather, Chair and CEO, Indigo Books & Music Inc. Center, Brookings Institution
Netherlands
Bolland, Marc J., Chief Executive, Marks and Spencer Group plc
Chavannes, Marc E., Political Columnist, NRC Handelsblad; Professor of Journalism
Halberstadt, Victor, Professor of Economics, Leiden University; Former Honorary Secretary General of Bilderberg Meetings
H.M. the Queen of the Netherlands
Rosenthal, Uri, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Winter, Jaap W., Partner, De Brauw Blackstone Westbroek
Norway
Myklebust, Egil, Former Chairman of the Board of Directors SAS, sk Hydro ASA
H.R.H. Crown Prince Haakon of Norway
Ottersen, Ole Petter, Rector, University of Oslo
Solberg, Erna, Leader of the Conservative Party
Austria
Bronner, Oscar, CEO and Publisher, Standard Medien AG
Faymann, Werner, Federal Chancellor
Rothensteiner, Walter, Chairman of the Board, Raiffeisen Zentralbank Österreich AG
Scholten, Rudolf, Member of the Board of Executive Directors, Oesterreichische Kontrollbank AG
Portugal
Balsemão, Francisco Pinto, Chairman and CEO, IMPRESA, S.G.P.S.; Former Prime Minister
Ferreira Alves, Clara, CEO, Claref LDA; writer
Nogueira Leite, António, Member of the Board, José de Mello Investimentos, SGPS, SA
Sweden
Mordashov, Alexey A., CEO, Severstal
Schweden
Bildt, Carl, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Björling, Ewa, Minister for Trade
Wallenberg, Jacob, Chairman, Investor AB
Switzerland
Brabeck-Letmathe, Peter, Chairman, Nestlé S.A.
Groth, Hans, Senior Director, Healthcare Policy & Market Access, Oncology Business Unit, Pfizer Europe
Janom Steiner, Barbara, Head of the Department of Justice, Security and Health, Canton
Kudelski, André, Chairman and CEO, Kudelski Group SA
Leuthard, Doris, Federal Councillor
Schmid, Martin, President, Government of the Canton Grisons
Schweiger, Rolf, Ständerat
Soiron, Rolf, Chairman of the Board, Holcim Ltd., Lonza Ltd.
Vasella, Daniel L., Chairman, Novartis AG
Witmer, Jürg, Chairman, Givaudan SA and Clariant AG
Spain
Cebrián, Juan Luis, CEO, PRISA
Cospedal, María Dolores de, Secretary General, Partido Popular
León Gross, Bernardino, Secretary General of the Spanish Presidency
Nin Génova, Juan María, President and CEO, La Caixa
H.M. Queen Sofia of Spain
Turkey
Ciliv, Süreyya, CEO, Turkcell Iletisim Hizmetleri A.S.
Gülek Domac, Tayyibe, Former Minister of State
Koç, Mustafa V., Chairman, Koç Holding A.S.
Pekin, Sefika, Founding Partner, Pekin & Bayar Law Firm
USA
Alexander, Keith B., Commander, USCYBERCOM; Director, National Security Agency
Altman, Roger C., Chairman, Evercore Partners Inc.
Bezos, Jeff, Founder and CEO, Amazon.com
Collins, Timothy C., CEO, Ripplewood Holdings, LLC
Feldstein, Martin S., George F. Baker Professor of Economics, Harvard University
Hoffman, Reid, Co-founder and Executive Chairman, LinkedIn
Hughes, Chris R., Co-founder, Facebook
Jacobs, Kenneth M., Chairman & CEO, Lazard
Johnson, James A., Vice Chairman, Perseus, LLC
Jordan, Jr., Vernon E., Senior Managing Director, Lazard Frères & Co. LLC
Keane, John M., Senior Partner, SCP Partners; General, US Army, Retired
Kissinger, Henry A., Chairman, Kissinger Associates, Inc.
Kleinfeld, Klaus, Chairman and CEO, Alcoa
Kravis, Henry R., Co-Chairman and co-CEO, Kohlberg Kravis, Roberts & Co.
Kravis, Marie-Josée, Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute, Inc.
Li, Cheng, Senior Fellow and Director of Research, John L. Thornton China Center, Brookings Institution
Mundie, Craig J., Chief Research and Strategy Officer, Microsoft Corporation
Orszag, Peter R., Vice Chairman, Citigroup Global Markets, Inc.
Perle, Richard N., Resident Fellow, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research
Rockefeller, David, Former Chairman, Chase Manhattan Bank
Rose, Charlie, Executive Editor and Anchor, Charlie Rose
Rubin, Robert E., Co-Chairman, Council on Foreign Relations; Former Secretary of the Treasury
Schmidt, Eric, Executive Chairman, Google Inc.
Steinberg, James B., Deputy Secretary of State
Thiel, Peter A., President, Clarium Capital Management, LLC
Varney, Christine A., Assistant Attorney General for Antitrust
Vaupel, James W., Founding Director, Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research
Warsh, Kevin, Former Governor, Federal Reserve Board
Wolfensohn, James D., Chairman, Wolfensohn & Company, LLC
David Rockefeller ariving at Bilderberg summit 20011
WIKILEAKS: 09ATHENS226, TURKISH EMBASSY'S VIEWS ON MIGRANT READMISSIONS
Viewing cable 09ATHENS226, TURKISH EMBASSY'S VIEWS ON MIGRANT READMISSIONS
If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs
Understanding cables
Every cable message consists of three parts: The top box shows each cables unique reference number, when and by whom it originally was sent, and what its initial classification was.The middle box contains the header information that is associated with the cable. It includes information about the receiver(s) as well as a general subject.The bottom box presents the body of the cable. The opening can contain a more specific subject, references to other cables (browse by origin to find them) or additional comment. This is followed by the main contents of the cable: a summary, a collection of specific topics and a comment section.To understand the justification used for the classification of each cable, please use this WikiSource article as reference.
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If you find meaningful or important information in a cable, please link directly to its unique reference number. Linking to a specific paragraph in the body of a cable is also possible by copying the appropriate link (to be found at theparagraph symbol). Please mark messages for social networking services like Twitter with the hash tags #cablegate and a hash containing the reference ID e.g. #09ATHENS226.
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09ATHENS226 2009-02-20 12:52 2011-06-01 08:00 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy Athens
Appears in these articles:
http://www.tanea.gr/
VZCZCXYZ0000
OO RUEHWEB
DE RUEHTH #0226/01 0511252
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 201252Z FEB 09
FM AMEMBASSY ATHENS
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 3252
INFO RUEHZG/NATO EU COLLECTIVE
RUEHGB/AMEMBASSY BAGHDAD 0134
RUEHIL/AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD 0683
RUEHBULAMEMBASSY KABUL 0459C O N F I D E N T I A L ATHENS 000226
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/11/2019
TAGS: PREL PBTS PHUM PTER TU GR
SUBJECT: TURKISH EMBASSY'S VIEWS ON MIGRANT READMISSIONS
FROM GREECE
REF: 08 ATHENS 1668
Classified By: DCM Deborah McCarthy for reasons 1.4(b) and (d).
Summary
-------
¶1. (C) According to an official at the Turkish Embassy in
Athens, there are two reasons why Turkey is unwilling to
permit Greece to return third-country illegal migrants to
Turkey at the port of Izmir, as called for in a 2001
bilateral protocol and which the Greeks believe would greatly
reduce the huge inflow of illegal migrants who use this
route. The first reason is concern that Turkey cannot handle
large numbers of additional illegals in a "tourist area."
Second is concern that if Greece returns the migrants to
Turkey too quickly and without adequate legal processing in
Greece, it could "violate the migrants' rights." The
official said the problem is likely to get worse, that Turkey
did not want the burden, and that Turkey might have to pull
out of the 2001 protocol if a better solution is not found.
End Summary.
Yes If by Land, No If by Sea
----------------------------
¶2. (C) We met February 9 with Turkish Embassy Second
Secretary Tolga Ucak, to follow up on readouts we had
received from Greek officials about ongoing talks with Turkey
to improve implementation of the 2001 protocol (reftel). The
Greeks had expressed frustration that, despite the protocol,
Turkey had never accepted return of more than a small number
of migrants. The Greeks' preferred solution would be to open
up Izmir -- one of three points in Turkey specified in the
protocol -- for returns by sea, which would permit thQGreek
Coast Guard to handle the returns directly without having to
go through a long and almost always unsuccessful bureaucratic
procedure via Athens to return the migrants at the land
border. According to the Greeks, their Turkish interlocutors
responded that using Izmir was impossible for unspecified
"security reasons." While this impasse has continued, the
number of migrants using the Turkey-Greece route has
skyrocketed over the past two years, with Greek authorities
detaining 146,337 illegals in 2008, most of whom had
transited Turkey. Leading countries of origin include Iraq,
Afghanistan, Somalia, and Pakistan.
¶3. (C) Ucak acknowledged that the protocol did identify Izmir
port as a point for readmitting migrants, but he said that
practical and human rights considerations made that
impossible. On the practical side, he argued that Izmir was
a "tourist area" that "could not support" a large additional
number of detained migrants. He said Turkey was in the
process of building new detention centers, but it did not
have as many resources as Greece for this purpose. These
concerns applied not only to Izmir but to any port on the
Anatolian coast that might be considered for readmissions.
¶4. (C) Ucak also expressed concern that if Greece returned
the migrants to Turkey too hastily, it might violate legal
and human rights standards. There had to be some process to
establish that the migrants had in fact entered Greece from
Turkey, although he admitted that the protocol said
circumstantial evidence could be sufficient. He also said
there had to be a procedure in Greece to consider asylum
claims by the migrants, or at least to give them a genuine
opportunity to claim asylum. Greece had come under criticism
from the EU and NGOs for its low rate of asylum request
approvals. It would simply not be acceptable, Ucak said, for
Greece to return the migrants to Turkey with little or no
consideration of the individual cases.
¶5. (C) Ucak said Turkey genuinely wanted greater cooperation
and burden sharing with Greece on migration issues, and he
pointed to a bilateral Coast Guard visit exchange program as
one example of progress. He acknowledged that the problem of
migrants transiting Turkey and Greece was getting worse, and
he expressed concern that there may be another large increase
in summer 2009. When pressed, he admitted that Turkey --
like other countries on the migration route -- did not want
the burden of being responsible for migrants who could
neither go back to their home countries nor onward to the
next destination. He added that Turkey would oppose the EU
getting involved in border enforcement in the region,
especially in the Aegean, which has long been a source of
contention between Turkey and Greece. Given the
unworkability of readmissions by sea, Ucak said, it would
probably be necessary to re-negotiate the 2001 protocol. If
this was impossible, he added, Turkey might at some point
withdraw from the protocol unilaterally.
Comment
-------
¶6. (C) In our view Turkey and Greece need to engage in more
vigorous discussions on the 2001 potocol to address the
massive flow of immigrants coming through Turkey to Greece.
The Turkish Embassy's comments about the effects on tourism
in Izmir and the need for Greece to take action on asylum
cases for people who first transit through Turkey appear to
us to be efforts to toss this hot potato. Last but not least
the comment on Turkish reaction to EU assistance to the
problem is troubling as Greece is reaching out to the EU for
assistance in handling the large flow of immigrants. We
recognize that Greece has not acted as strongly as it could
to prevent aliens from moving on to the next destination
(usually Italy) or moved as quickly as it could to enter the
aliens' fingerprints in the EU's EURODAC electronic database
to identify them as having entered Europe in Greece. We will
work with EU colleagues here to encourage the Greeks to do
so. We will also encourage them to continue efforts with the
GOT to make the 2001 protocol more workable, and would
welcome Embassy Ankara's thoughts on how to do so.
SPECKHARD
If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs
Understanding cables
Every cable message consists of three parts: The top box shows each cables unique reference number, when and by whom it originally was sent, and what its initial classification was.The middle box contains the header information that is associated with the cable. It includes information about the receiver(s) as well as a general subject.The bottom box presents the body of the cable. The opening can contain a more specific subject, references to other cables (browse by origin to find them) or additional comment. This is followed by the main contents of the cable: a summary, a collection of specific topics and a comment section.To understand the justification used for the classification of each cable, please use this WikiSource article as reference.
Discussing cables
If you find meaningful or important information in a cable, please link directly to its unique reference number. Linking to a specific paragraph in the body of a cable is also possible by copying the appropriate link (to be found at theparagraph symbol). Please mark messages for social networking services like Twitter with the hash tags #cablegate and a hash containing the reference ID e.g. #09ATHENS226.
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09ATHENS226 2009-02-20 12:52 2011-06-01 08:00 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy Athens
Appears in these articles:
http://www.tanea.gr/
VZCZCXYZ0000
OO RUEHWEB
DE RUEHTH #0226/01 0511252
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 201252Z FEB 09
FM AMEMBASSY ATHENS
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 3252
INFO RUEHZG/NATO EU COLLECTIVE
RUEHGB/AMEMBASSY BAGHDAD 0134
RUEHIL/AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD 0683
RUEHBULAMEMBASSY KABUL 0459C O N F I D E N T I A L ATHENS 000226
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/11/2019
TAGS: PREL PBTS PHUM PTER TU GR
SUBJECT: TURKISH EMBASSY'S VIEWS ON MIGRANT READMISSIONS
FROM GREECE
REF: 08 ATHENS 1668
Classified By: DCM Deborah McCarthy for reasons 1.4(b) and (d).
Summary
-------
¶1. (C) According to an official at the Turkish Embassy in
Athens, there are two reasons why Turkey is unwilling to
permit Greece to return third-country illegal migrants to
Turkey at the port of Izmir, as called for in a 2001
bilateral protocol and which the Greeks believe would greatly
reduce the huge inflow of illegal migrants who use this
route. The first reason is concern that Turkey cannot handle
large numbers of additional illegals in a "tourist area."
Second is concern that if Greece returns the migrants to
Turkey too quickly and without adequate legal processing in
Greece, it could "violate the migrants' rights." The
official said the problem is likely to get worse, that Turkey
did not want the burden, and that Turkey might have to pull
out of the 2001 protocol if a better solution is not found.
End Summary.
Yes If by Land, No If by Sea
----------------------------
¶2. (C) We met February 9 with Turkish Embassy Second
Secretary Tolga Ucak, to follow up on readouts we had
received from Greek officials about ongoing talks with Turkey
to improve implementation of the 2001 protocol (reftel). The
Greeks had expressed frustration that, despite the protocol,
Turkey had never accepted return of more than a small number
of migrants. The Greeks' preferred solution would be to open
up Izmir -- one of three points in Turkey specified in the
protocol -- for returns by sea, which would permit thQGreek
Coast Guard to handle the returns directly without having to
go through a long and almost always unsuccessful bureaucratic
procedure via Athens to return the migrants at the land
border. According to the Greeks, their Turkish interlocutors
responded that using Izmir was impossible for unspecified
"security reasons." While this impasse has continued, the
number of migrants using the Turkey-Greece route has
skyrocketed over the past two years, with Greek authorities
detaining 146,337 illegals in 2008, most of whom had
transited Turkey. Leading countries of origin include Iraq,
Afghanistan, Somalia, and Pakistan.
¶3. (C) Ucak acknowledged that the protocol did identify Izmir
port as a point for readmitting migrants, but he said that
practical and human rights considerations made that
impossible. On the practical side, he argued that Izmir was
a "tourist area" that "could not support" a large additional
number of detained migrants. He said Turkey was in the
process of building new detention centers, but it did not
have as many resources as Greece for this purpose. These
concerns applied not only to Izmir but to any port on the
Anatolian coast that might be considered for readmissions.
¶4. (C) Ucak also expressed concern that if Greece returned
the migrants to Turkey too hastily, it might violate legal
and human rights standards. There had to be some process to
establish that the migrants had in fact entered Greece from
Turkey, although he admitted that the protocol said
circumstantial evidence could be sufficient. He also said
there had to be a procedure in Greece to consider asylum
claims by the migrants, or at least to give them a genuine
opportunity to claim asylum. Greece had come under criticism
from the EU and NGOs for its low rate of asylum request
approvals. It would simply not be acceptable, Ucak said, for
Greece to return the migrants to Turkey with little or no
consideration of the individual cases.
¶5. (C) Ucak said Turkey genuinely wanted greater cooperation
and burden sharing with Greece on migration issues, and he
pointed to a bilateral Coast Guard visit exchange program as
one example of progress. He acknowledged that the problem of
migrants transiting Turkey and Greece was getting worse, and
he expressed concern that there may be another large increase
in summer 2009. When pressed, he admitted that Turkey --
like other countries on the migration route -- did not want
the burden of being responsible for migrants who could
neither go back to their home countries nor onward to the
next destination. He added that Turkey would oppose the EU
getting involved in border enforcement in the region,
especially in the Aegean, which has long been a source of
contention between Turkey and Greece. Given the
unworkability of readmissions by sea, Ucak said, it would
probably be necessary to re-negotiate the 2001 protocol. If
this was impossible, he added, Turkey might at some point
withdraw from the protocol unilaterally.
Comment
-------
¶6. (C) In our view Turkey and Greece need to engage in more
vigorous discussions on the 2001 potocol to address the
massive flow of immigrants coming through Turkey to Greece.
The Turkish Embassy's comments about the effects on tourism
in Izmir and the need for Greece to take action on asylum
cases for people who first transit through Turkey appear to
us to be efforts to toss this hot potato. Last but not least
the comment on Turkish reaction to EU assistance to the
problem is troubling as Greece is reaching out to the EU for
assistance in handling the large flow of immigrants. We
recognize that Greece has not acted as strongly as it could
to prevent aliens from moving on to the next destination
(usually Italy) or moved as quickly as it could to enter the
aliens' fingerprints in the EU's EURODAC electronic database
to identify them as having entered Europe in Greece. We will
work with EU colleagues here to encourage the Greeks to do
so. We will also encourage them to continue efforts with the
GOT to make the 2001 protocol more workable, and would
welcome Embassy Ankara's thoughts on how to do so.
SPECKHARD
«Ναι» από τη γερμανική Βουλή στη βοήθεια Νο2
«Ναι» από τη γερμανική Βουλή στη βοήθεια Νο2
Στεφανία Παλυμετάκη
10-06-2011
Με τη συμμετοχή ιδιωτών ως, ουσιαστικά, προαπαιτούμενο όρο, ενέκρινε σήμερα η γερμανική Βουλή το σχέδιο για την παροχή νέου πακέτου οικονομικής βοήθειας προς την Ελλάδα. Το ψήφισμα είχαν καταθέσει οι κοινοβουλευτικές ομάδες των τριών κυβερνητικών κομμάτων CDU, CSU FDP.
Κατά τη συζήτηση, δεν έλειψε και η κριτική στην κυβέρνηση της καγκελαρίου Μέρκελ από τον πρόεδρο της αξιωματικής αντιπολίτευσης Φρανκ Βάλτερ Σταϊνμάιερ. Ο σοσιαλδημοκράτης πολιτικός υπογράμμισε ότι «για πρώτη φορά εδώ και δεκαετίες έχουμε μια κυβέρνηση που με θάρρος αγωνίζεται για το μέλλον ενδεχομένως και για την επιβίωση της χώρας» και απευθυνόμενος στην κυβέρνηση Μέρκελ τόνισε ότι «σύνεση και θάρρος απαιτείται και από εμάς».
Κατά τον κ. Σταϊνμάιερ, στην περίπτωση της Ελλάδας δεν πρόκειται για κρίση μόνον της χώρας, αλλά και για κρίση των ευρωπαϊκών θεσμών που πρέπει να προσαρμοσθούν για να ανταποκριθούν στις σημερινές προκλήσεις. Όπως είπε απαιτείται εναρμόνιση των φορολογικών συστημάτων, η καθιέρωση ευρωπαϊκών κατώτατων μισθών και τη θέσπιση φόρου χρηματοοικονομικών συναλλαγών.
Από την πλευρά του ο Γερμανός υπ. Οικονομικών Βόλφγκανγκ Σόιμπλε υπογράμμισε την κρισιμότητα της κατάστασης στην Ελλάδα και στην Ευρώπη. «Η κατάσταση στην Ελλάδα και την Ευρώπη είναι σοβαρή», τονίζοντας ότι πρέπει να διαμορφωθεί ένα πρόσθετο πρόγραμμα βοήθειας προκειμένου να κλείσει η τρύπα χρηματοδότησης της χώρας, έτσι ώστε να μπορέσει να καταβληθεί η επόμενη δόση στις αρχές Ιουλίου. «Χωρίς την καταβολή της επόμενης δόσης υπάρχει άμεσος κίνδυνος στάσης πληρωμών με βαρύτατες συνέπειες και παγκόσμια ρίσκα λόγω μετάδοσης της κρίσης», είπε.
Ο κ. Σόιμπλε δεν ανέφερε το εύρος που θα έχει το πρόσθετο πρόγραμμα στήριξης, ωστόσο, τόνισε ότι προϋπόθεση είναι η ανάληψη πρόσθετων προσπαθειών από την ίδια την Ελλάδα καθώς και συμμετοχή των ιδιωτών επενδυτών.
«Πρέπει να υπάρξει μια δίκαιη κατανομή του βάρους ανάμεσα στους φορολογούμενους και το χρηματοπιστωτικό τομέα» είπε ο κ. Σόιμπλε και πρόσθεσε ότι οι ιδιώτες επενδυτές δεν μπορούν απλά να μετακυλίουν τις δικές τους ζημιές στην πλάτη των φορολογουμένων.
Παράλληλα, ο Γερμανός υπουργός Οικονομικών δήλωσε ότι σέβεται τις επιφυλάξεις της ΕΚΤ για τη συμμετοχή ιδιωτών επενδυτών σε ένα δεύτερο πακέτο για την Ελλάδα.
Οι επιφυλάξεις αυτές πρέπει να ληφθούν σοβαρά υπόψη, είπε ο κ. Σόιμπλε και πρόσθεσε ότι μία κοινή επιτροπή εργασίας αναζητά ένα στενό διάδρομο ανάμεσα στην ουσιαστική συμμετοχή ιδιωτών επενδυτών και την αποτροπή των αρνητικών αντιδράσεων στις χρηματαγορές που φοβάται η ΕΚΤ.
Στεφανία Παλυμετάκη
10-06-2011
Με τη συμμετοχή ιδιωτών ως, ουσιαστικά, προαπαιτούμενο όρο, ενέκρινε σήμερα η γερμανική Βουλή το σχέδιο για την παροχή νέου πακέτου οικονομικής βοήθειας προς την Ελλάδα. Το ψήφισμα είχαν καταθέσει οι κοινοβουλευτικές ομάδες των τριών κυβερνητικών κομμάτων CDU, CSU FDP.
Κατά τη συζήτηση, δεν έλειψε και η κριτική στην κυβέρνηση της καγκελαρίου Μέρκελ από τον πρόεδρο της αξιωματικής αντιπολίτευσης Φρανκ Βάλτερ Σταϊνμάιερ. Ο σοσιαλδημοκράτης πολιτικός υπογράμμισε ότι «για πρώτη φορά εδώ και δεκαετίες έχουμε μια κυβέρνηση που με θάρρος αγωνίζεται για το μέλλον ενδεχομένως και για την επιβίωση της χώρας» και απευθυνόμενος στην κυβέρνηση Μέρκελ τόνισε ότι «σύνεση και θάρρος απαιτείται και από εμάς».
Κατά τον κ. Σταϊνμάιερ, στην περίπτωση της Ελλάδας δεν πρόκειται για κρίση μόνον της χώρας, αλλά και για κρίση των ευρωπαϊκών θεσμών που πρέπει να προσαρμοσθούν για να ανταποκριθούν στις σημερινές προκλήσεις. Όπως είπε απαιτείται εναρμόνιση των φορολογικών συστημάτων, η καθιέρωση ευρωπαϊκών κατώτατων μισθών και τη θέσπιση φόρου χρηματοοικονομικών συναλλαγών.
Από την πλευρά του ο Γερμανός υπ. Οικονομικών Βόλφγκανγκ Σόιμπλε υπογράμμισε την κρισιμότητα της κατάστασης στην Ελλάδα και στην Ευρώπη. «Η κατάσταση στην Ελλάδα και την Ευρώπη είναι σοβαρή», τονίζοντας ότι πρέπει να διαμορφωθεί ένα πρόσθετο πρόγραμμα βοήθειας προκειμένου να κλείσει η τρύπα χρηματοδότησης της χώρας, έτσι ώστε να μπορέσει να καταβληθεί η επόμενη δόση στις αρχές Ιουλίου. «Χωρίς την καταβολή της επόμενης δόσης υπάρχει άμεσος κίνδυνος στάσης πληρωμών με βαρύτατες συνέπειες και παγκόσμια ρίσκα λόγω μετάδοσης της κρίσης», είπε.
Ο κ. Σόιμπλε δεν ανέφερε το εύρος που θα έχει το πρόσθετο πρόγραμμα στήριξης, ωστόσο, τόνισε ότι προϋπόθεση είναι η ανάληψη πρόσθετων προσπαθειών από την ίδια την Ελλάδα καθώς και συμμετοχή των ιδιωτών επενδυτών.
«Πρέπει να υπάρξει μια δίκαιη κατανομή του βάρους ανάμεσα στους φορολογούμενους και το χρηματοπιστωτικό τομέα» είπε ο κ. Σόιμπλε και πρόσθεσε ότι οι ιδιώτες επενδυτές δεν μπορούν απλά να μετακυλίουν τις δικές τους ζημιές στην πλάτη των φορολογουμένων.
Παράλληλα, ο Γερμανός υπουργός Οικονομικών δήλωσε ότι σέβεται τις επιφυλάξεις της ΕΚΤ για τη συμμετοχή ιδιωτών επενδυτών σε ένα δεύτερο πακέτο για την Ελλάδα.
Οι επιφυλάξεις αυτές πρέπει να ληφθούν σοβαρά υπόψη, είπε ο κ. Σόιμπλε και πρόσθεσε ότι μία κοινή επιτροπή εργασίας αναζητά ένα στενό διάδρομο ανάμεσα στην ουσιαστική συμμετοχή ιδιωτών επενδυτών και την αποτροπή των αρνητικών αντιδράσεων στις χρηματαγορές που φοβάται η ΕΚΤ.
Bilderberg 2011 member photos: help us identify the attendees!
Bilderberg 2011 member photos: help us identify the attendees!
by NewWorldOrder on June 10, 2011
As the Bilderberg 2011 conference at the Suvretta House Hotel in St. Moritz, Switzerland has finally kicked off, the first photos of arriving attendees start to come in. Here underneath you can see some pictures already with Bilderberg Group members we could recognize.
However, we want to ask everyone visiting this website to focus on the second part of the photos with “Unidentified attendees” and help us to unmask each one of these Bilderberg 2011 Attendees!
Clicking on each one of the photos gives you the full size picture.
Probably Paul Wolfowitz -President of the World Bank- arriving at Hotel Suvretta House
David Rockefeller arriving at Bilderberg 2011
Doris Leuthard – member of Swiss Federal Council
Henry R. Kravis – top financier – most likely arriving together with his wife Marie-Josée Kravis
Anders Rasmussen – Secretary General of NATO
Unidentified Bilderberg 2011 attendees:
Unidentified Bilderberg 2011 attendee 1
Unidentified Bilderberg 2011 attendee 2
Unidentified Bilderberg 2011 attendee 3
Tagged as: Anders Rasmussen, Bilderberg 2011 photos, Bilderberg attendee photos, Bilderberg attendee pictures, bilderberg group members, David Rockefeller, Doris Leuthard, Henry R. Kravis, Identified Bilderberg attendees, Identified Bilderberg members, Josée Kravis, Unidentified Bilderberg attendees, Unidentified Bilderberg members
by NewWorldOrder on June 10, 2011
As the Bilderberg 2011 conference at the Suvretta House Hotel in St. Moritz, Switzerland has finally kicked off, the first photos of arriving attendees start to come in. Here underneath you can see some pictures already with Bilderberg Group members we could recognize.
However, we want to ask everyone visiting this website to focus on the second part of the photos with “Unidentified attendees” and help us to unmask each one of these Bilderberg 2011 Attendees!
Clicking on each one of the photos gives you the full size picture.
Probably Paul Wolfowitz -President of the World Bank- arriving at Hotel Suvretta House
David Rockefeller arriving at Bilderberg 2011
Doris Leuthard – member of Swiss Federal Council
Henry R. Kravis – top financier – most likely arriving together with his wife Marie-Josée Kravis
Anders Rasmussen – Secretary General of NATO
Unidentified Bilderberg 2011 attendees:
Unidentified Bilderberg 2011 attendee 1
Unidentified Bilderberg 2011 attendee 2
Unidentified Bilderberg 2011 attendee 3
Tagged as: Anders Rasmussen, Bilderberg 2011 photos, Bilderberg attendee photos, Bilderberg attendee pictures, bilderberg group members, David Rockefeller, Doris Leuthard, Henry R. Kravis, Identified Bilderberg attendees, Identified Bilderberg members, Josée Kravis, Unidentified Bilderberg attendees, Unidentified Bilderberg members
Γ.ΠΑΠΑΝΔΡΕΟΥ : "ΑΝΙΚΑΝΟΙ ΟΙ ΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ" ΑΚΟΥΣΑ ΚΑΛΑ;
Μεταφέρουμε αυτούσιο μέρος του διαλόγου στο Πολιτικό Συμβούλιο του ΠΑΣΟΚ, μεταξύ Παπανδρέου και Παναγιωτακόπουλου, από την εφημερίδα Real.gr, όταν ο κ. Παναγιωτακόπουλος τόνισε ότι η επιτροπή από την τρόικα "αγγίζει τα όρια της εθνικής μας κυριαρχίας". "Είναι ένα είδος εθνικής υποτέλειας" όπως είπε χαρακτηριστικά:
Γ. ΠΑΠΑΝΔΡΕΟΥ: Εγώ ζήτησα τεχνογνωσία. Από την αρχή άλλωστε όταν οι τροϊκανοί ζητούσαν διάφορα πράγματα εγώ τους έλεγα ότι είμαστε ανίκανοι να τα κάνουμε. Μετά άρχισαν να το καταλαβαίνουν και αυτοί ότι είμαστε ανίκανοι.
Γ. ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΑΚΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ: Έχω διαφορετική αντίληψη για τον ελληνικό λαό, δεν είναι ανίκανος ή άχρηστος.
Γ. ΠΑΠΑΝΔΡΕΟΥ: (Σε έξαλλη κατάσταση) Είμαι πρωθυπουργός και να σέβεσαι αυτά που λέω. Να ανακαλέσεις.
Γ. ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΑΚΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ: Έχω διαφορετική άποψη για τον ελληνικό λαό. Και η τεχνογνωσία κατ’ ουσίαν σημαίνει πολιτική υποταγή.
Τετάρτη 8 Ιουνίου 2011
WIKILEAKS : A VERY REALISTIC REPORT ON TERRORISM IN GREECE
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
05ATHENS2529 2005-09-27 13:53 2011-06-03 08:00 SECRET Embassy Athens
Appears in these articles:
www.tanea.gr
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 04 ATHENS 002529
SIPDIS
FOR P, R AND EUR/SE
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/25/2015
TAGS: PREL KDEM KPAO EAID PHUM KMPI GR INTERNAL
SUBJECT: COMBATING EXTREMISM IN GREECE
REF: STATE 159129
Classified By: Charge Tom Countryman. Reasons 1.4(b/d).
¶1. (S) SUMMARY: In Greece, the twin threats of extremism and
violence stem more from a decades-old, homegrown anti-U.S.,
anti-NATO, anti-globalization sentiment that is deeply
engrained in Greek society than from extremism exported from
the Middle East. Domestic terrorist groups and an active
anarchist movement have long been the source of extremism and
violence in Greece. Greece's Muslim community is split
between the Turkish minority in the north (protected under
the Treaty of Lausanne), and a relatively new Athens-based
population of economic migrants from the Middle East and
South Asia. Extremist elements are rare in both. Greek
society's insular focus, with its high premium on "Greekness"
and the Orthodox religion, has created a haven for fringe
groups which target non-Greeks (especially Jews) for
violence. Above all, the United States is Public Enemy
Number One in Greece -- domestic extremist groups regularly
target the U.S. embassy to protest against both past history
and current "American hegemony." To counter extremist
attitudes, the Embassy has a multifaceted outreach program,
designed to promote mutual understanding (an MPP goal)
between the U.S. and Greece, and within Greece's increasingly
heteregeneous population. END SUMMARY.
----------------------------
FORMS OF EXTREMISM IN GREECE
----------------------------
¶2. (S) Extremism in Greece is mostly homegrown, and to a
great extent derives from events unique to Greeks. In 1968 a
military junta overthrew the Greek Goverment in a move that
is still widely (if wrongly) held here to have been at the
behest, or with the connivance, of the U.S. Government. The
Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus in 1974 is also chalked
up to American hegemonist planning. Since then, a perceived
bias in U.S. policy toward Turkey (and Greece's own identity
problems vis-a-vis 400 years of Ottoman rule) has further
skewed public opinion against the United States. In recent
history, the Kosovo air campaign and Operation Iraqi Freedom
have both been used to keep public hostility toward the U.S.
at a peak.
-- DOMESTIC TERRORISM: "17 November" (17N), a radical leftist
group, was established in 1975 and named for the student
uprising in Greece on 17 November 1973 against the ruling
military junta. It is anti-Greek establishment, anti-U.S.,
anti-Turkey, and anti-NATO, and has sought the ouster of U.S.
bases from Greece, the removal of Turkish military forces
from Cyprus, and the severing of Greece,s ties to NATO and
the European Union. For 27 years, 17N murdered Greeks and
non-Greeks alike, including five U.S. Embassy employees.
Members of the organization also committed armed robbery, and
carried out rocket attacks against symbolic targets. In 2002
a bungled attack by a 17N operative led to the arrests of
eighteen other suspects. In 2004, fifteen of these 17N
defendants were found guilty and given multiple life
sentences. Some 17N members, including individuals believed
to be involved in the murder of USG employees, remain at
large; others have never been identified. Further, other
domestic terrorist groups continue to operate in Greece, and
while they have not attained the murderous notoriety of 17N,
they serve as a beacon for the extremist segment of the Greek
population. ELA (Revolutionary Popular Struggle) has
described itself as revolutionary, leftist, anti-state,
anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism and strongly anti-U.S. ELA
emerged in the 1970s and has assumed responsibility for over
200 bombing that killed three people. In the 90s, ELA
stopped operations in Greece. Four members of ELA were
arrested in 2004. All four were convicted and each received
an imprisonment of 1,174 years. One member, Christos
Tsigarides has since been released from prison for health
reasons. In 2005 two other members were tried for ELA
actions (both were acquitted).
Recently, two groups, "Revolutionary Action" and
"Revolutionary Struggle" have appeared on the Greek domestic
terrorism radar (it is unclear as yet whether these are, in
fact, two separate groups). Some of Greece's CT elite
believe that one group ("Revolutionary Action") is a
successor to 17N. "Revolutionary Struggle" is considered to
be the successor to ELA, having simply dropped the "Popular"
from its title. "Revolutionary Struggle" has claimed
responsibility for a number of small bombings at various
Greek businesses, in which improvised explosive devices are
always the weapon of choice. These attacks take place in the
early morning hours and rarely cause injuries. There have
been a few victims inadvertently injured as a result of being
in the right place at the right time. This group usually
warns the Hellenic Police prior to detonation, however faulty
workmanship occasionally leads to premature explosions.
"Revolutionary Action" has claimed responsibility for a
number of more serious attacks directed solely at the
Hellenic Police. In the fall of 2003, two devices exploded
at a Greek Court in Athens, the second device clearly
designed to harm first responders. In May 2004 three devices
were exploded at a police precinct in Kallithea (Athens) and
again the seond/third devices seemed to be intended to cause
harm to first responders. In October 2004 a roadside device
was detonated as it was passed by a Hellenic Police bus
convoy that was in route to Korydallos Prison, the current
residence of incarcerated 17N members. There were no
injuries, likely due to poor workmanship of the device. The
most recent, and most disturbing, attack occurred on December
31, 2004, when a Special Police Guard, assigned to the
residence of the British Military Attach was assassinated
while sitting in his guard booth. Hellenic Police originally
claimed that the attack was criminal in nature, but have
subsequently attributed the attack to local terrorism. This
case, as well as the others is still open and it appears that
there are no suspects.
-- ANARCHISM: Anarchist organizations proliferate in Athens
and Thessaloniki where they have carved out niches for
themselves as extreme, leftist "irregulars." Greek
anarchists organize regular demonstrations in the name of
anti-globalization, and against the U.S. specifically and the
more ambiguous "Western influence." For the most part,
anarchist demonstrations are sparsely attended (although
well-covered in the generally anti-American media).
Gas-canister ("gazakia" in Greek) attacks have been
orchestrated to destroy property, not people. Embassy has no
evidence that anarchist groups receive material support
and/or training from international terrorist groups. Like
the domestic terror groups, however, anarchist gatherings
serve to keep alive extremist views.
-- ANTI-SEMITISM: During World War II, 90 percent of Greece's
Jewish population perished in camps. Today, only 5,000 Jews
remain in Greece, mainly in Athens. While of a smaller scale
compared to other European countries, anti-Semitism is a
recurring problem in Greece, expressed by acts of vandalism
against Jewish monuments and buildings, insidious
anti-Semitism in some media and through discrimination in the
workplace. Some Greeks subscribe to the myth that no Jews
were in the World Trade Center on September 11, or are
convinced that the attacks were a plot of the CIA, the
Mossad, or both. Greek newspapers, especially editorial
cartoonists, are unforgiving in their use of Nazi imagery to
describe Ariel Sharon and Israeli government policies in Gaza
and the West Bank. At the same time, Greece has longstanding
ties to the Palestinian cause and Arafat personally; Greece
was the last member of the EU to establish diplomatic
relations with Israel (1990). In modern colloquial Greek (as
in the modern Arab world) there is often no distinction
between "Jewish" and "Israeli." The problem is compounded by
almost universal opposition to Israeli policies in the
Occupied Territories.
¶3. (C) As an example of Greek extremist attitudes, the
Popular Orthodox Herald Party (LAOS) promotes radical
nationalism, anti-Semitism, racism and xenophobia. LAOS
party leader George Karatzaferis, who won a seat in the
European Parliament in 2004, regularly attributes negative
events to international Jewish conspiracies and has used
party-owned TV to denounce Greek politicians with Jewish
origins and to claim that Jews were behind the 9/11 terrorist
attacks. The Greek neo-Nazi group "Chryssi Avghi" (Golden
Dawn), attempted to organize "Hatefest 2005" (one of the
slogans for the event was "Turkey Out of Europe"), a
pan-European "festival" for the Far Right in southern Greece.
On a positive note, the event, after vigorous local
opposition, was moved several times and ultimately out of
Greece.
--------------------------
GREECE'S MUSLIM POPULATION
--------------------------
¶4. (C) Greece has a native Muslim minority of
Turkish-speakers, anywhere from 90,000-140,000 strong who
live in the northeastern province of Thrace and in the
islands of the far eastern Aegean near Turkey. Under the
1923 Treaty of Lausanne, this Turcophone Muslim minority has
official status; Islam is recognized and Muslims in Thrace
have the right to maintain social and charitable
organizations, to be educated in the Turkish-language and to
settle family disputes under Shari'a law (Greece is the only
country in Europe to do so). Officials say more than 300
mosques operate under Lausanne Treaty privileges. While
Muslim clerics in Thrace have been trained in Saudi Arabia,
and Turkish Consuls General in Thrace have a strong
influence, bankrolling many local leaders and the "elected"
muftis in the region, there is no indication of Muslim
extremism among the indigenous minority in Thrace.
¶5. (C) Unlike in Thrace, the Muslim community in Athens has
no treaty protection or guaranteed rights. In the last
fifteen years, migration to Greece from Muslim countries has
mushroomed -- activists believe there could be as many as
200,000 Muslim migrants (mainly illegals) in Athens, in
addition to 4,000 Turcophone Greek Muslims. There is no
official mosque in Athens, so Muslims pray in numerous
unofficial prayer rooms. There are around two dozen such
prayer rooms operating in Athens today. They are organized
in basement apartments and generally serve discrete
populations: Pakistani migrants go to a "Pakistani" mosque,
Egyptians go to an "Egyptian" mosque, and so forth. Leaders
of the Bangladeshi community have told us there is a limited
amount of crossover in their worship. Although the Greek
Parliament (finally) approved a bill in 2000 allowing
construction of a mosque in Athens, the Arbchishop of Greece
has strongly protested that the cultural center would "serve
as a breeding ground for terrorism."
---------------------------------
U.S. EFFORTS TO COUNTER EXTREMISM
---------------------------------
¶6. (C) Embassy has made good use of the IV program --
sending the only Muslim Member of Parliament on the "Young
Muslim Leaders" International Visitor Program in FY 2005. We
will send a Muslim woman from Thrace to the Young Muslim
Leaders program in FY 2006.
¶7. (C) The Embassy (POL, RSO) monitors closely hate speech
and activities through local contacts, police contacts, and
the media. We monitor Islam-related incitement and hate
speech through additional contact with muftis, imams, and
members of Muslim minority in Thrace, as well as with the
diverse and more transient immigrant Muslim population in
Athens. There are no indications or incitement or hate
speech directed against Muslims occurring in Athens.
¶8. (U) The Embassy has undertaken a series of outreach
activities oriented at the Muslim population in Greece. We
opened an American Corner in Xanthi, a town in northeast
Greece that is predominantly Muslim, and the IRC regularly
sends material to Xanthi as part of the Embassy's
country-wide outreach program. Ambassador hosts a yearly
Iftar dinner. Ambassador and Embassy officers have spoken to
student groups on U.S. policy in the Middle East, including
students from Arab and non-Arab Muslim countries. Embassy
and ConGen officers meet regularly with Muslim religious and
community leaders in Thrace and Athens. Cultural program
opportunities will be utilized in 2006.
¶9. (U) As noted, the Embassy sent Ilhan Ahmet, the one
Muslim Member of the Greek Parliament, on an IV program this
year. His website, www.ilhanahmet.com, is in Turkish and
Greek. (NOTE: Greek usage of the world wide web is the
lowest in the EU. END NOTE.) Building on Ahmet's IV program,
we have helped develop a farming seminar to meet the needs of
Muslim farmers in northern Greece.
----------------------------------
GREEK EFFORTS TO COUNTER EXTREMISM
----------------------------------
¶10. (S) The Greek Government's track record in countering
extremism is uneven. 17N operated with impunity for 27
years, counting Greek police and government officials among
its victims. The Olympic Games provided a much-needed
incentive to bring Greek methods and operations into the 21st
century. As a result, Greece now has more tools and know-how
to keep track of extremist groups in Greek society. These
skills, however, are perishable and require routine follow-up
training. We do not believe such training has continued
since the Olympics. Furthermore, we are skeptical as to
whether or not the Hellenic Police are pursuing Islamic
extremists in Greece with that same "pre-Olympic" vigor.
Greek society also views enhanced police capabilities with a
jaundiced eye. Greeks are hypersensitive to any perceived
limits on personal freedoms; as an example, security cameras
around town have been vandalized. Members of Parliament have
also inveighed against their use; attempts to pass off the
cameras as trafficams have been only partly successful.
¶11. (C) Recently, the GoG appears to have taken a greater
interest in moving against self-styled "anti-imperialist"
anarchists who operate mainly in central Athens. In an
August meeting, Public Order Minister Voulgarakis,
responsible for police, promised to crack down on violent
anarchist activity, telling the Ambassador that the July
arrest of three anarchists had produced evidence that would
result in convictions and more arrests in the future.
Thessaloniki police have estimated there are 50-70 local
anarchists who regularly incite violence. Recently, the
Ministry of Public Order has called the Greek judiciary to
task for a lack of prosecutions of the hundreds of anarchists
arrested during the many destructive and violent
demonstrations held in both Athens and Thessaloniki.
¶12. (C) The Government attempted to ignore "Hatefest 2005"
until the outcry from Greek citizens became too loud. At
that point, Greek Government Spokesman Roussopoulos stated
that the GoG would take all measures to prevent the
"Hatefest" gathering. Public Order Minister Voulgarakis
seconded Roussopoulos' comments, saying the event was not
welcome.
¶13. (C) The Government has taken steps to combat
anti-Semitism, and has begun to press for membership on the
International Task Force on Holocaust Education. However, it
was in part the result of heavy Embassy pressure that Greece
established January 27 as Holocaust Remembrance Day in 2004.
The Central Board of Jewish Communities in Greece constantly
lobbies for moderation, tolerance, and freedom. The Greek
Jewish community says the greatest problem faced by local
Jews is the widespread perception that they are not truly
"Greek." The Greek constitution enshrines Greek Orthodoxy as
the official religion and the country's non-Orthodox
minorities - Jews, Turcophone Muslims, Catholics, and other
Christians - report difficulty advancing in careers in the
military, education, and the public sector. It's not
accurate to paint the Orthodox Church as anti-Semitic, but it
is so virulently pro-Orthodox that the distinction is often
lost.
¶14. (C) As is the norm in the EU, Greece has a modern
education system that accepts pluralism and open intellectual
exchange. Universities do, however, serve as recruiting
centers (and worse) for anarchists. As a result of the 1973
student uprising against the military junta ruling Greece,
Greece passed a law prohibiting police on university
campuses. As recently as May 2005, anarchists took hostages
at the Athens Polytechnic University and held them for more
than eight hours as a protest against the presence on campus
of armed bodyguards who had accompanied two Members of
Parliament to the university for a book presentation (the 2
MPs, both former Cabinet Ministers, were among the hostages).
Prior to the actual standoff, anarchists detected that
police assigned to protect 2 MPs attending the event) were on
campus in violation of government regulations. The
anarchists proceeded to attack the police and one policeman
shot an attacker in the leg, in an effort to protect himself.
The standoff ended peacefully, but the university academic
board published a condemnation of the "police action" and
called on Greeks to protest against the government. There
was very little negative press that condemned the violence of
the anarchists.
¶15. (U) As part of Greece's effort to join the International
Task Force on Holocaust Education, the Greek Ministry of
Education and Religious Affairs has requested Post's
assistance in re-designing its curricula to update teaching
of the Holocaust.
¶16. (U) Public (State) education is readily accessible,
particularly for women and girls. Minority education is
fully funded by the State, which funds madrassas where there
are significant Muslim communities. In recent years, these
madrassas have been opened to girls (who are required to wear
headscarves).
COUNTRYMAN
05ATHENS2529 2005-09-27 13:53 2011-06-03 08:00 SECRET Embassy Athens
Appears in these articles:
www.tanea.gr
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 04 ATHENS 002529
SIPDIS
FOR P, R AND EUR/SE
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/25/2015
TAGS: PREL KDEM KPAO EAID PHUM KMPI GR INTERNAL
SUBJECT: COMBATING EXTREMISM IN GREECE
REF: STATE 159129
Classified By: Charge Tom Countryman. Reasons 1.4(b/d).
¶1. (S) SUMMARY: In Greece, the twin threats of extremism and
violence stem more from a decades-old, homegrown anti-U.S.,
anti-NATO, anti-globalization sentiment that is deeply
engrained in Greek society than from extremism exported from
the Middle East. Domestic terrorist groups and an active
anarchist movement have long been the source of extremism and
violence in Greece. Greece's Muslim community is split
between the Turkish minority in the north (protected under
the Treaty of Lausanne), and a relatively new Athens-based
population of economic migrants from the Middle East and
South Asia. Extremist elements are rare in both. Greek
society's insular focus, with its high premium on "Greekness"
and the Orthodox religion, has created a haven for fringe
groups which target non-Greeks (especially Jews) for
violence. Above all, the United States is Public Enemy
Number One in Greece -- domestic extremist groups regularly
target the U.S. embassy to protest against both past history
and current "American hegemony." To counter extremist
attitudes, the Embassy has a multifaceted outreach program,
designed to promote mutual understanding (an MPP goal)
between the U.S. and Greece, and within Greece's increasingly
heteregeneous population. END SUMMARY.
----------------------------
FORMS OF EXTREMISM IN GREECE
----------------------------
¶2. (S) Extremism in Greece is mostly homegrown, and to a
great extent derives from events unique to Greeks. In 1968 a
military junta overthrew the Greek Goverment in a move that
is still widely (if wrongly) held here to have been at the
behest, or with the connivance, of the U.S. Government. The
Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus in 1974 is also chalked
up to American hegemonist planning. Since then, a perceived
bias in U.S. policy toward Turkey (and Greece's own identity
problems vis-a-vis 400 years of Ottoman rule) has further
skewed public opinion against the United States. In recent
history, the Kosovo air campaign and Operation Iraqi Freedom
have both been used to keep public hostility toward the U.S.
at a peak.
-- DOMESTIC TERRORISM: "17 November" (17N), a radical leftist
group, was established in 1975 and named for the student
uprising in Greece on 17 November 1973 against the ruling
military junta. It is anti-Greek establishment, anti-U.S.,
anti-Turkey, and anti-NATO, and has sought the ouster of U.S.
bases from Greece, the removal of Turkish military forces
from Cyprus, and the severing of Greece,s ties to NATO and
the European Union. For 27 years, 17N murdered Greeks and
non-Greeks alike, including five U.S. Embassy employees.
Members of the organization also committed armed robbery, and
carried out rocket attacks against symbolic targets. In 2002
a bungled attack by a 17N operative led to the arrests of
eighteen other suspects. In 2004, fifteen of these 17N
defendants were found guilty and given multiple life
sentences. Some 17N members, including individuals believed
to be involved in the murder of USG employees, remain at
large; others have never been identified. Further, other
domestic terrorist groups continue to operate in Greece, and
while they have not attained the murderous notoriety of 17N,
they serve as a beacon for the extremist segment of the Greek
population. ELA (Revolutionary Popular Struggle) has
described itself as revolutionary, leftist, anti-state,
anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism and strongly anti-U.S. ELA
emerged in the 1970s and has assumed responsibility for over
200 bombing that killed three people. In the 90s, ELA
stopped operations in Greece. Four members of ELA were
arrested in 2004. All four were convicted and each received
an imprisonment of 1,174 years. One member, Christos
Tsigarides has since been released from prison for health
reasons. In 2005 two other members were tried for ELA
actions (both were acquitted).
Recently, two groups, "Revolutionary Action" and
"Revolutionary Struggle" have appeared on the Greek domestic
terrorism radar (it is unclear as yet whether these are, in
fact, two separate groups). Some of Greece's CT elite
believe that one group ("Revolutionary Action") is a
successor to 17N. "Revolutionary Struggle" is considered to
be the successor to ELA, having simply dropped the "Popular"
from its title. "Revolutionary Struggle" has claimed
responsibility for a number of small bombings at various
Greek businesses, in which improvised explosive devices are
always the weapon of choice. These attacks take place in the
early morning hours and rarely cause injuries. There have
been a few victims inadvertently injured as a result of being
in the right place at the right time. This group usually
warns the Hellenic Police prior to detonation, however faulty
workmanship occasionally leads to premature explosions.
"Revolutionary Action" has claimed responsibility for a
number of more serious attacks directed solely at the
Hellenic Police. In the fall of 2003, two devices exploded
at a Greek Court in Athens, the second device clearly
designed to harm first responders. In May 2004 three devices
were exploded at a police precinct in Kallithea (Athens) and
again the seond/third devices seemed to be intended to cause
harm to first responders. In October 2004 a roadside device
was detonated as it was passed by a Hellenic Police bus
convoy that was in route to Korydallos Prison, the current
residence of incarcerated 17N members. There were no
injuries, likely due to poor workmanship of the device. The
most recent, and most disturbing, attack occurred on December
31, 2004, when a Special Police Guard, assigned to the
residence of the British Military Attach was assassinated
while sitting in his guard booth. Hellenic Police originally
claimed that the attack was criminal in nature, but have
subsequently attributed the attack to local terrorism. This
case, as well as the others is still open and it appears that
there are no suspects.
-- ANARCHISM: Anarchist organizations proliferate in Athens
and Thessaloniki where they have carved out niches for
themselves as extreme, leftist "irregulars." Greek
anarchists organize regular demonstrations in the name of
anti-globalization, and against the U.S. specifically and the
more ambiguous "Western influence." For the most part,
anarchist demonstrations are sparsely attended (although
well-covered in the generally anti-American media).
Gas-canister ("gazakia" in Greek) attacks have been
orchestrated to destroy property, not people. Embassy has no
evidence that anarchist groups receive material support
and/or training from international terrorist groups. Like
the domestic terror groups, however, anarchist gatherings
serve to keep alive extremist views.
-- ANTI-SEMITISM: During World War II, 90 percent of Greece's
Jewish population perished in camps. Today, only 5,000 Jews
remain in Greece, mainly in Athens. While of a smaller scale
compared to other European countries, anti-Semitism is a
recurring problem in Greece, expressed by acts of vandalism
against Jewish monuments and buildings, insidious
anti-Semitism in some media and through discrimination in the
workplace. Some Greeks subscribe to the myth that no Jews
were in the World Trade Center on September 11, or are
convinced that the attacks were a plot of the CIA, the
Mossad, or both. Greek newspapers, especially editorial
cartoonists, are unforgiving in their use of Nazi imagery to
describe Ariel Sharon and Israeli government policies in Gaza
and the West Bank. At the same time, Greece has longstanding
ties to the Palestinian cause and Arafat personally; Greece
was the last member of the EU to establish diplomatic
relations with Israel (1990). In modern colloquial Greek (as
in the modern Arab world) there is often no distinction
between "Jewish" and "Israeli." The problem is compounded by
almost universal opposition to Israeli policies in the
Occupied Territories.
¶3. (C) As an example of Greek extremist attitudes, the
Popular Orthodox Herald Party (LAOS) promotes radical
nationalism, anti-Semitism, racism and xenophobia. LAOS
party leader George Karatzaferis, who won a seat in the
European Parliament in 2004, regularly attributes negative
events to international Jewish conspiracies and has used
party-owned TV to denounce Greek politicians with Jewish
origins and to claim that Jews were behind the 9/11 terrorist
attacks. The Greek neo-Nazi group "Chryssi Avghi" (Golden
Dawn), attempted to organize "Hatefest 2005" (one of the
slogans for the event was "Turkey Out of Europe"), a
pan-European "festival" for the Far Right in southern Greece.
On a positive note, the event, after vigorous local
opposition, was moved several times and ultimately out of
Greece.
--------------------------
GREECE'S MUSLIM POPULATION
--------------------------
¶4. (C) Greece has a native Muslim minority of
Turkish-speakers, anywhere from 90,000-140,000 strong who
live in the northeastern province of Thrace and in the
islands of the far eastern Aegean near Turkey. Under the
1923 Treaty of Lausanne, this Turcophone Muslim minority has
official status; Islam is recognized and Muslims in Thrace
have the right to maintain social and charitable
organizations, to be educated in the Turkish-language and to
settle family disputes under Shari'a law (Greece is the only
country in Europe to do so). Officials say more than 300
mosques operate under Lausanne Treaty privileges. While
Muslim clerics in Thrace have been trained in Saudi Arabia,
and Turkish Consuls General in Thrace have a strong
influence, bankrolling many local leaders and the "elected"
muftis in the region, there is no indication of Muslim
extremism among the indigenous minority in Thrace.
¶5. (C) Unlike in Thrace, the Muslim community in Athens has
no treaty protection or guaranteed rights. In the last
fifteen years, migration to Greece from Muslim countries has
mushroomed -- activists believe there could be as many as
200,000 Muslim migrants (mainly illegals) in Athens, in
addition to 4,000 Turcophone Greek Muslims. There is no
official mosque in Athens, so Muslims pray in numerous
unofficial prayer rooms. There are around two dozen such
prayer rooms operating in Athens today. They are organized
in basement apartments and generally serve discrete
populations: Pakistani migrants go to a "Pakistani" mosque,
Egyptians go to an "Egyptian" mosque, and so forth. Leaders
of the Bangladeshi community have told us there is a limited
amount of crossover in their worship. Although the Greek
Parliament (finally) approved a bill in 2000 allowing
construction of a mosque in Athens, the Arbchishop of Greece
has strongly protested that the cultural center would "serve
as a breeding ground for terrorism."
---------------------------------
U.S. EFFORTS TO COUNTER EXTREMISM
---------------------------------
¶6. (C) Embassy has made good use of the IV program --
sending the only Muslim Member of Parliament on the "Young
Muslim Leaders" International Visitor Program in FY 2005. We
will send a Muslim woman from Thrace to the Young Muslim
Leaders program in FY 2006.
¶7. (C) The Embassy (POL, RSO) monitors closely hate speech
and activities through local contacts, police contacts, and
the media. We monitor Islam-related incitement and hate
speech through additional contact with muftis, imams, and
members of Muslim minority in Thrace, as well as with the
diverse and more transient immigrant Muslim population in
Athens. There are no indications or incitement or hate
speech directed against Muslims occurring in Athens.
¶8. (U) The Embassy has undertaken a series of outreach
activities oriented at the Muslim population in Greece. We
opened an American Corner in Xanthi, a town in northeast
Greece that is predominantly Muslim, and the IRC regularly
sends material to Xanthi as part of the Embassy's
country-wide outreach program. Ambassador hosts a yearly
Iftar dinner. Ambassador and Embassy officers have spoken to
student groups on U.S. policy in the Middle East, including
students from Arab and non-Arab Muslim countries. Embassy
and ConGen officers meet regularly with Muslim religious and
community leaders in Thrace and Athens. Cultural program
opportunities will be utilized in 2006.
¶9. (U) As noted, the Embassy sent Ilhan Ahmet, the one
Muslim Member of the Greek Parliament, on an IV program this
year. His website, www.ilhanahmet.com, is in Turkish and
Greek. (NOTE: Greek usage of the world wide web is the
lowest in the EU. END NOTE.) Building on Ahmet's IV program,
we have helped develop a farming seminar to meet the needs of
Muslim farmers in northern Greece.
----------------------------------
GREEK EFFORTS TO COUNTER EXTREMISM
----------------------------------
¶10. (S) The Greek Government's track record in countering
extremism is uneven. 17N operated with impunity for 27
years, counting Greek police and government officials among
its victims. The Olympic Games provided a much-needed
incentive to bring Greek methods and operations into the 21st
century. As a result, Greece now has more tools and know-how
to keep track of extremist groups in Greek society. These
skills, however, are perishable and require routine follow-up
training. We do not believe such training has continued
since the Olympics. Furthermore, we are skeptical as to
whether or not the Hellenic Police are pursuing Islamic
extremists in Greece with that same "pre-Olympic" vigor.
Greek society also views enhanced police capabilities with a
jaundiced eye. Greeks are hypersensitive to any perceived
limits on personal freedoms; as an example, security cameras
around town have been vandalized. Members of Parliament have
also inveighed against their use; attempts to pass off the
cameras as trafficams have been only partly successful.
¶11. (C) Recently, the GoG appears to have taken a greater
interest in moving against self-styled "anti-imperialist"
anarchists who operate mainly in central Athens. In an
August meeting, Public Order Minister Voulgarakis,
responsible for police, promised to crack down on violent
anarchist activity, telling the Ambassador that the July
arrest of three anarchists had produced evidence that would
result in convictions and more arrests in the future.
Thessaloniki police have estimated there are 50-70 local
anarchists who regularly incite violence. Recently, the
Ministry of Public Order has called the Greek judiciary to
task for a lack of prosecutions of the hundreds of anarchists
arrested during the many destructive and violent
demonstrations held in both Athens and Thessaloniki.
¶12. (C) The Government attempted to ignore "Hatefest 2005"
until the outcry from Greek citizens became too loud. At
that point, Greek Government Spokesman Roussopoulos stated
that the GoG would take all measures to prevent the
"Hatefest" gathering. Public Order Minister Voulgarakis
seconded Roussopoulos' comments, saying the event was not
welcome.
¶13. (C) The Government has taken steps to combat
anti-Semitism, and has begun to press for membership on the
International Task Force on Holocaust Education. However, it
was in part the result of heavy Embassy pressure that Greece
established January 27 as Holocaust Remembrance Day in 2004.
The Central Board of Jewish Communities in Greece constantly
lobbies for moderation, tolerance, and freedom. The Greek
Jewish community says the greatest problem faced by local
Jews is the widespread perception that they are not truly
"Greek." The Greek constitution enshrines Greek Orthodoxy as
the official religion and the country's non-Orthodox
minorities - Jews, Turcophone Muslims, Catholics, and other
Christians - report difficulty advancing in careers in the
military, education, and the public sector. It's not
accurate to paint the Orthodox Church as anti-Semitic, but it
is so virulently pro-Orthodox that the distinction is often
lost.
¶14. (C) As is the norm in the EU, Greece has a modern
education system that accepts pluralism and open intellectual
exchange. Universities do, however, serve as recruiting
centers (and worse) for anarchists. As a result of the 1973
student uprising against the military junta ruling Greece,
Greece passed a law prohibiting police on university
campuses. As recently as May 2005, anarchists took hostages
at the Athens Polytechnic University and held them for more
than eight hours as a protest against the presence on campus
of armed bodyguards who had accompanied two Members of
Parliament to the university for a book presentation (the 2
MPs, both former Cabinet Ministers, were among the hostages).
Prior to the actual standoff, anarchists detected that
police assigned to protect 2 MPs attending the event) were on
campus in violation of government regulations. The
anarchists proceeded to attack the police and one policeman
shot an attacker in the leg, in an effort to protect himself.
The standoff ended peacefully, but the university academic
board published a condemnation of the "police action" and
called on Greeks to protest against the government. There
was very little negative press that condemned the violence of
the anarchists.
¶15. (U) As part of Greece's effort to join the International
Task Force on Holocaust Education, the Greek Ministry of
Education and Religious Affairs has requested Post's
assistance in re-designing its curricula to update teaching
of the Holocaust.
¶16. (U) Public (State) education is readily accessible,
particularly for women and girls. Minority education is
fully funded by the State, which funds madrassas where there
are significant Muslim communities. In recent years, these
madrassas have been opened to girls (who are required to wear
headscarves).
COUNTRYMAN
WIKILEAKS : FOREIGN MINISTER BAKOYIANNIS' VISIT TO WASHINGTON
Viewing cable 09ATHENS235, FOREIGN MINISTER BAKOYIANNIS' VISIT TO WASHINGTON
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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09ATHENS235 2009-02-23 05:52 2011-05-26 08:00 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy Athens
Appears in these articles:
www.tanea.gr
VZCZCXYZ0000
PP RUEHWEB
DE RUEHTH #0235/01 0540552
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 230552Z FEB 09
FM AMEMBASSY ATHENS
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 3262
INFO RUEHZG/NATO EU COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHSQ/AMEMBASSY SKOPJE PRIORITY 1206C O N F I D E N T I A L ATHENS 000235
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/19/2019
TAGS: PREL PGOV GR MK
SUBJECT: FOREIGN MINISTER BAKOYIANNIS' VISIT TO WASHINGTON
Classified By: AMBASSADOR DAN SPECKHARD. REASON: 1.4 (B) AND (D).
¶1. (C) SUMMARY: Greek FM Dora Bakoyiannis will use her
visit to Washington to define, publicly and privately,
Greece's relations with the Obama administration. A
charismatic yet practical politician, Bakoyiannis relishes
her job as Foreign Minister, and will offer to work with us
on a broad range of multilateral issues. As OSCE
Chairman-in-Office, she has moved swiftly out of the gate,
pressing creative proposals to maintain an OSCE presence in
Georgia and achieving a technical rollover of OSCE's Georgia
Military Monitors that keeps them on the ground through June.
She will offer to use her contacts with leaders in the
Middle East to assist our efforts in the region. And she
will cite Greece's ratification this week of NATO accession
protocols for Croatia and Albania as a sign of their
commitment to the Alliance and its expansion. She will also
use the opportunity to press for swift action on their most
wanted deliverable: inclusion in the Visa Waiver Program.
We also see this as an opportunity to reinvigorate and
reorient our bilateral relationship. That means urging
additional Greek contributions to NATO operations in
Afghanistan, encouraging energy diversity, and urging Greece
to resolve its disagreements with Turkey quietly and
bilaterally. Finally, we should urge the GOG to continue to
work within the UN process to resolve its dispute with the
Republic of Macedonia. END SUMMARY.
NEW ADMINISTRATION, NEW MOMENTUM
¶2. (C) PM Karamanlis' recent cabinet reshuffle left Dora
Bakoyiannis at the helm of the MFA, a job she has held for
nearly three years. The daughter of former PM Mitsotakis,
she is his strongest potential rival for the New Democracy
party's leadership (she consistently polls as Greece's most
popular politician), yet (despite near-endless press
speculation) she and Karamanlis have worked together
cooperatively. They need to. Karamanlis' government was
re-elected with two-seat Parliamentary majority in September
2007 that has since shrunk to a one-seat majority. The
government has taken additional body blows since then:
alleged involvement in various scandals, sinking economic
growth, and criticism over its handling of December's police
shooting of an Athens teenager and the extensive rioting that
followed. The rioting has been followed by a resurgence of
domestic terrorism, which Dora takes personally; her first
husband was killed by the terrorist group November 17.
¶3. (C) New Democracy has fallen 3-4 points behind its main
opposition, socialist PASOK, in opinion polls (though PM
Karamanlis personally outpolls opposition PM-in-waiting
George Papandreou by about the same margin). Looking for
electoral advantage, Bakoyiannis will spin her visit to
Washington as signaling a new era of cooperation, both on
bilateral and multilateral issues. Greeks have
overwhelmingly welcomed the Obama administration; Bakoyiannis
will be looking for "takeaways" that demonstrate our ability
to work with the Karamanlis government. However, that will
require some hard work from Greece as well.
VISA WAIVER: GREECE'S BILATERAL GOAL
¶4. (C) For Greece, inclusion in the Visa Waiver Program
tops, by far, every other issue in our bilateral
relationship. Yet their own footdragging means they have
missed the boat not once, but twice; they are the only member
of the original EU 15 not to participate. Two out of three
key pieces (the HSPD-6 Agreement and VWP MOU) are either in
place or nearly complete. The third, the agreement on
Preventing and Combating Serious Crime (PCSC) was under
review in the Ministries of Justice and Interior since
October. We finally received Greek comments on February 20.
The Secretary can assure Dora that we will examine it
rapidly, and intend to work together to meet DHS requirements
as rapidly as possible.
PROMOTING MULTILATERAL COOPERATION: IN NATO AND AFGHANISTAN
. . .
¶5. (C) Greece has contributed 638 troops to NATO operations
in Kosovo, 140 to NATO operations in Afghanistan. 50 to
NATO's counter-terrorism operation in the Mediterranean and
45 to the EU's military mission in Bosnia. Greece also
contributes directly to U.S. military operations in the
Middle East and Mediterranean through the U.S. base at Souda
Bay, Crete. But we are pressing our most NATO-skeptic ally
for more, particularly in Afghanistan -- including additional
trainers, heavy lift helicopters, and funds to sustain an
enhanced Afghan National Army. We have also asked them to
lift a self-imposed caveat restricting Greek forces to the
Kabul region, and have informal indications that may be in
the works. On February 17, the Greek Parliament ratified
Albania and Croatia's accession protocols; the Secretary will
want to congratulate Bakoyiannis on this important step.
. . . IN OSCE . . .
¶6. (C) Greece took on the chairmanship of the OSCE in
January, and has moved quickly and effectively out of the
gate. FM Bakoyiannis has already travelled to Vienna,
Albania, Kosovo, Serbia, Georgia, and Russia in her capacity
as OSCE Chairman-in-Office. Under her direction, Greek
diplomats have crafted proposals (still under review) to
maintain a long-term OSCE presence in Georgia, and have
achieved a technical rollover of the OSCE Military Monitors
in Georgia through June 30, 2009. The Secretary can commend
Bakoyiannis' commitment to the OSCE, her work so far, and
suggest we cooperate closely throughout the year. The
Secretary may also want to highlight our interest in the
OSCE's human rights work, including with Roma communities and
against human trafficking. Bakoyiannis is keenly interested
in hearing the U.S. take on Russian suggestions related to
European security.
. . . IN THE AEGEAN . . .
¶7. (C) Greece sees an uptick in "provocations" by Turkey in
the Aegean, including overflights. Bakoyiannis will
underscore the Karamanlis government's commitment to good
relations with Turkey (Karamanlis' visit to Ankara last year
is the first in fifty years), but will express concern that
the Turkish "deep state" has impeded PM Erdogan's ability to
deliver on better Turkish-Greek relations. Bakoyiannis will
likely to seek the Secretary's help with Turkey in reducing
these "provocations." We have encouraged the GOG to respond
in a low-key manner and with restraint to any perceived
"provocations" and to raise concerns directly with Turkish
counterparts.
. . . . IN THE BALKANS . . .
¶8. (C) Greece sees the Balkans as its backyard, and is a
major investor in the region. That is one reason why Greece
has put forward the candidacy of their Ambassador to the
United States, Ambassador Mallias, for EUSR (also High
Representive) in Bosnia. We have told them that we prefer
the UK candidate (Sir Emyr Jones Parry). Nevertheless, we
expect Bakoyiannis may make at least a pro forma pitch for
him. Greece has not yet recognized Kosovo but during her
February visit to Kosovo, Bakoyiannis publicly emphasized
that she had come as a "neighbor, and friend," as well as
OSCE CIO. Greece is also contributing personnel to the
International Civilian Office and its strongest NATO troop
contribution is to KFOR. Greece also continues to take a
constructive role in promoting a European orientation for
Serbia.
¶9. (C) A key issue, for both Greece and for us, is
Macedonia. Greece continues to believe that our recognition
of the Republic of Macedonia by its constitutional name in
2004 was a betrayal of our bilateral relationship. The
Karamanlis government feels it took a major step forward when
it agreed that a composite name could include the word
Macedonia -- and are aggrieved by the Gruevski government's
actions (such as a recent renaming of a planned highway built
with EU, including Greek, funds after Alexander the Great).
Greece's refusal to approve Macedonia's NATO invitation in
2008 despite the provisions of the Greek/Macedonia Interim
Accord was a major source of disagreement. UN led
negotiations continue. Bakoyiannis will likely urge us to
press the GoM for flexibility.
. . . IN THE MIDDLE EAST . . .
¶10. (C) Bakoyiannis is interested in Middle East issues,
and has developed contacts with a number of leaders in the
region. She may offer her good offices to assist in
promoting dialogue there. Greece has an Embassy in Iran, and
Bakoyiannis may also offer to facilitate dialogue there. She
has been a strong promoter of dialogue among women leaders,
and will likely invite the Secretary to participate in a
conference to be held in Athens in April on Women Against
Terrorism (held uner the auspices of the Women Leaders'
Working Group).
. . . ON CYPRUS . . .
¶11. (C) Bakoyiannis recently discussed Cyprus with Codel
Durbin, and will support efforts by the leaders of both
communities to find a settlement. She shares the Karamanlis
government's commitment to EU entry for Turkey, and knows
that a resolution of the Cyprus issue is essential for
Turkey's candidacy to move forward. Yet Greek support for
Cyprus' own position in EU fora is expected, both in Athens
and in Nicosia. In addition, Bakoyiannis will reiterate that
Turkey must meet all EU criteria, and cannot choose among
them "a la carte."
. . . ON ENERGY DIVERSITY . . .
¶12. (C) We should encourage Greece to promote energy
diversity, including within the EU. Currently, Gazprom
suplies approximately 90 percent of Greece's pipeline-sourced
natural gas supplies. Alternatives include the
Turkey-Greece-Italy (TGI) pipeline that will receive Caspian
gas, as well as increased reliance on LGN and
interconnections between European energy infrastructure.
. . . AND THE ECONOMY
¶13. (SBU) The global economic crisis is beginning to have
an impact on Greece's real economy. Growth slowed to 3.0
percent in 2008, and the government projects it will slow
even further in 2009 to 1.1 percent. While it is only one of
a handful of Eurozone countries projected to have any growth
in 2009, the slowdown is exposing some weaknesses in the
Greek economy; large current account (14.5 percent of GDP in
2008) and fiscal deficits (3.7 percent of GDP in 2008) and a
high level of public debt (94.6 percent of GDP in 2008)
constrain the GOG's flexibility to develop expenditure
programs that can mitigate the slowdwn.
SPECKHARD
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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09ATHENS235 2009-02-23 05:52 2011-05-26 08:00 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy Athens
Appears in these articles:
www.tanea.gr
VZCZCXYZ0000
PP RUEHWEB
DE RUEHTH #0235/01 0540552
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 230552Z FEB 09
FM AMEMBASSY ATHENS
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 3262
INFO RUEHZG/NATO EU COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHSQ/AMEMBASSY SKOPJE PRIORITY 1206C O N F I D E N T I A L ATHENS 000235
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/19/2019
TAGS: PREL PGOV GR MK
SUBJECT: FOREIGN MINISTER BAKOYIANNIS' VISIT TO WASHINGTON
Classified By: AMBASSADOR DAN SPECKHARD. REASON: 1.4 (B) AND (D).
¶1. (C) SUMMARY: Greek FM Dora Bakoyiannis will use her
visit to Washington to define, publicly and privately,
Greece's relations with the Obama administration. A
charismatic yet practical politician, Bakoyiannis relishes
her job as Foreign Minister, and will offer to work with us
on a broad range of multilateral issues. As OSCE
Chairman-in-Office, she has moved swiftly out of the gate,
pressing creative proposals to maintain an OSCE presence in
Georgia and achieving a technical rollover of OSCE's Georgia
Military Monitors that keeps them on the ground through June.
She will offer to use her contacts with leaders in the
Middle East to assist our efforts in the region. And she
will cite Greece's ratification this week of NATO accession
protocols for Croatia and Albania as a sign of their
commitment to the Alliance and its expansion. She will also
use the opportunity to press for swift action on their most
wanted deliverable: inclusion in the Visa Waiver Program.
We also see this as an opportunity to reinvigorate and
reorient our bilateral relationship. That means urging
additional Greek contributions to NATO operations in
Afghanistan, encouraging energy diversity, and urging Greece
to resolve its disagreements with Turkey quietly and
bilaterally. Finally, we should urge the GOG to continue to
work within the UN process to resolve its dispute with the
Republic of Macedonia. END SUMMARY.
NEW ADMINISTRATION, NEW MOMENTUM
¶2. (C) PM Karamanlis' recent cabinet reshuffle left Dora
Bakoyiannis at the helm of the MFA, a job she has held for
nearly three years. The daughter of former PM Mitsotakis,
she is his strongest potential rival for the New Democracy
party's leadership (she consistently polls as Greece's most
popular politician), yet (despite near-endless press
speculation) she and Karamanlis have worked together
cooperatively. They need to. Karamanlis' government was
re-elected with two-seat Parliamentary majority in September
2007 that has since shrunk to a one-seat majority. The
government has taken additional body blows since then:
alleged involvement in various scandals, sinking economic
growth, and criticism over its handling of December's police
shooting of an Athens teenager and the extensive rioting that
followed. The rioting has been followed by a resurgence of
domestic terrorism, which Dora takes personally; her first
husband was killed by the terrorist group November 17.
¶3. (C) New Democracy has fallen 3-4 points behind its main
opposition, socialist PASOK, in opinion polls (though PM
Karamanlis personally outpolls opposition PM-in-waiting
George Papandreou by about the same margin). Looking for
electoral advantage, Bakoyiannis will spin her visit to
Washington as signaling a new era of cooperation, both on
bilateral and multilateral issues. Greeks have
overwhelmingly welcomed the Obama administration; Bakoyiannis
will be looking for "takeaways" that demonstrate our ability
to work with the Karamanlis government. However, that will
require some hard work from Greece as well.
VISA WAIVER: GREECE'S BILATERAL GOAL
¶4. (C) For Greece, inclusion in the Visa Waiver Program
tops, by far, every other issue in our bilateral
relationship. Yet their own footdragging means they have
missed the boat not once, but twice; they are the only member
of the original EU 15 not to participate. Two out of three
key pieces (the HSPD-6 Agreement and VWP MOU) are either in
place or nearly complete. The third, the agreement on
Preventing and Combating Serious Crime (PCSC) was under
review in the Ministries of Justice and Interior since
October. We finally received Greek comments on February 20.
The Secretary can assure Dora that we will examine it
rapidly, and intend to work together to meet DHS requirements
as rapidly as possible.
PROMOTING MULTILATERAL COOPERATION: IN NATO AND AFGHANISTAN
. . .
¶5. (C) Greece has contributed 638 troops to NATO operations
in Kosovo, 140 to NATO operations in Afghanistan. 50 to
NATO's counter-terrorism operation in the Mediterranean and
45 to the EU's military mission in Bosnia. Greece also
contributes directly to U.S. military operations in the
Middle East and Mediterranean through the U.S. base at Souda
Bay, Crete. But we are pressing our most NATO-skeptic ally
for more, particularly in Afghanistan -- including additional
trainers, heavy lift helicopters, and funds to sustain an
enhanced Afghan National Army. We have also asked them to
lift a self-imposed caveat restricting Greek forces to the
Kabul region, and have informal indications that may be in
the works. On February 17, the Greek Parliament ratified
Albania and Croatia's accession protocols; the Secretary will
want to congratulate Bakoyiannis on this important step.
. . . IN OSCE . . .
¶6. (C) Greece took on the chairmanship of the OSCE in
January, and has moved quickly and effectively out of the
gate. FM Bakoyiannis has already travelled to Vienna,
Albania, Kosovo, Serbia, Georgia, and Russia in her capacity
as OSCE Chairman-in-Office. Under her direction, Greek
diplomats have crafted proposals (still under review) to
maintain a long-term OSCE presence in Georgia, and have
achieved a technical rollover of the OSCE Military Monitors
in Georgia through June 30, 2009. The Secretary can commend
Bakoyiannis' commitment to the OSCE, her work so far, and
suggest we cooperate closely throughout the year. The
Secretary may also want to highlight our interest in the
OSCE's human rights work, including with Roma communities and
against human trafficking. Bakoyiannis is keenly interested
in hearing the U.S. take on Russian suggestions related to
European security.
. . . IN THE AEGEAN . . .
¶7. (C) Greece sees an uptick in "provocations" by Turkey in
the Aegean, including overflights. Bakoyiannis will
underscore the Karamanlis government's commitment to good
relations with Turkey (Karamanlis' visit to Ankara last year
is the first in fifty years), but will express concern that
the Turkish "deep state" has impeded PM Erdogan's ability to
deliver on better Turkish-Greek relations. Bakoyiannis will
likely to seek the Secretary's help with Turkey in reducing
these "provocations." We have encouraged the GOG to respond
in a low-key manner and with restraint to any perceived
"provocations" and to raise concerns directly with Turkish
counterparts.
. . . . IN THE BALKANS . . .
¶8. (C) Greece sees the Balkans as its backyard, and is a
major investor in the region. That is one reason why Greece
has put forward the candidacy of their Ambassador to the
United States, Ambassador Mallias, for EUSR (also High
Representive) in Bosnia. We have told them that we prefer
the UK candidate (Sir Emyr Jones Parry). Nevertheless, we
expect Bakoyiannis may make at least a pro forma pitch for
him. Greece has not yet recognized Kosovo but during her
February visit to Kosovo, Bakoyiannis publicly emphasized
that she had come as a "neighbor, and friend," as well as
OSCE CIO. Greece is also contributing personnel to the
International Civilian Office and its strongest NATO troop
contribution is to KFOR. Greece also continues to take a
constructive role in promoting a European orientation for
Serbia.
¶9. (C) A key issue, for both Greece and for us, is
Macedonia. Greece continues to believe that our recognition
of the Republic of Macedonia by its constitutional name in
2004 was a betrayal of our bilateral relationship. The
Karamanlis government feels it took a major step forward when
it agreed that a composite name could include the word
Macedonia -- and are aggrieved by the Gruevski government's
actions (such as a recent renaming of a planned highway built
with EU, including Greek, funds after Alexander the Great).
Greece's refusal to approve Macedonia's NATO invitation in
2008 despite the provisions of the Greek/Macedonia Interim
Accord was a major source of disagreement. UN led
negotiations continue. Bakoyiannis will likely urge us to
press the GoM for flexibility.
. . . IN THE MIDDLE EAST . . .
¶10. (C) Bakoyiannis is interested in Middle East issues,
and has developed contacts with a number of leaders in the
region. She may offer her good offices to assist in
promoting dialogue there. Greece has an Embassy in Iran, and
Bakoyiannis may also offer to facilitate dialogue there. She
has been a strong promoter of dialogue among women leaders,
and will likely invite the Secretary to participate in a
conference to be held in Athens in April on Women Against
Terrorism (held uner the auspices of the Women Leaders'
Working Group).
. . . ON CYPRUS . . .
¶11. (C) Bakoyiannis recently discussed Cyprus with Codel
Durbin, and will support efforts by the leaders of both
communities to find a settlement. She shares the Karamanlis
government's commitment to EU entry for Turkey, and knows
that a resolution of the Cyprus issue is essential for
Turkey's candidacy to move forward. Yet Greek support for
Cyprus' own position in EU fora is expected, both in Athens
and in Nicosia. In addition, Bakoyiannis will reiterate that
Turkey must meet all EU criteria, and cannot choose among
them "a la carte."
. . . ON ENERGY DIVERSITY . . .
¶12. (C) We should encourage Greece to promote energy
diversity, including within the EU. Currently, Gazprom
suplies approximately 90 percent of Greece's pipeline-sourced
natural gas supplies. Alternatives include the
Turkey-Greece-Italy (TGI) pipeline that will receive Caspian
gas, as well as increased reliance on LGN and
interconnections between European energy infrastructure.
. . . AND THE ECONOMY
¶13. (SBU) The global economic crisis is beginning to have
an impact on Greece's real economy. Growth slowed to 3.0
percent in 2008, and the government projects it will slow
even further in 2009 to 1.1 percent. While it is only one of
a handful of Eurozone countries projected to have any growth
in 2009, the slowdown is exposing some weaknesses in the
Greek economy; large current account (14.5 percent of GDP in
2008) and fiscal deficits (3.7 percent of GDP in 2008) and a
high level of public debt (94.6 percent of GDP in 2008)
constrain the GOG's flexibility to develop expenditure
programs that can mitigate the slowdwn.
SPECKHARD
Τρίτη 7 Ιουνίου 2011
O ΛΑΟΣ ΕΧΕΙ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑ ΝΑ ΑΝΑΤΡΕΨΕΙ ΜΕ ΚΑΘΕ ΜΕΣΟ ΑΥΤΗ ΤΗΝ ΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ!
Το άρθρο 1 του Συντάγματος λέγει σαφώς:
"Όλες οι εξουσίες πηγάζουν από το λαό, υπάρχουν υπέρ αυτού και ασκούνται όπως το Σύνταγμα ορίζει".
Συνεπώς η εξουσία βρίσκεται έξω από την Βουλή. Όσοι είναι μέσα στην Βουλή δεν αποτελούν εξουσία αλλά έχουν ορισθεί από τον λαό να τηρούν το Σύνταγμα και να εφαρμόζουν τους νόμους για λογαριασμό του λαού.
Εφόσον παραβιάζουν το Σύνταγμα, ο λαός έχει δικαίωμα και υποχρέωση να τους ξηλώσει από την καρέκλα και να αποκαταστήσει τη νομιμότητα.
Αυτό άλλωστε προβλέπει το ίδιο το Σύνταγμα στο Άρθρο 120 §4: "Η τήρηση του παρόντος (του Συντάγματος) επαφίεται στον πατριωτισμό των Ελλήνων, που δικαιούνται και υποχρεούνται να αντιστέκονται με κάθε μέσον εναντίον οποιουδήποτε επιχειρεί να το καταλύσει με τη βία".
Ο λαός συνεπώς καλύπτεται νομικά από κάθε άποψη: Και στο να διαδηλώνει και να διαμαρτύρεται με συγκεντρώσεις στις πλατείες της χώρας αλλά -κυρίως- δικαιούται και υποχρεούται να αντιστέκεται με κάθε μέσον εναντίον όποιου επιχειρεί να καταλύσει το Σύνταγμα!
Όταν δε, οι εκλεγμένοι από το λαό βουλευτές, έχουν ήδη παραβιάσει το Σύνταγμα υπογράφοντας παράνομη δανειακή σύμβαση με την τρόϊκα, στην οποία σήμερα εκχωρούν την δημόσια περιουσία, χωρίς την έγκριση ή εξουσιοδότηση του λαού, τότε ο λαός δικαιούται ή υποχρεούται να ανατρέψει την κυβέρνηση. Κατ' αυτό τον τρόπο προστατεύει την εθνική κυριαρχία της χώρας.
Ο Ηράκλειτος ο οποίος πρέσβευε ότι πρέπει να υπάρχει απόλυτος σεβασμός στους νόμους, πριν από 2500 χρόνια είχε πει: "Μάχεσθαι χρη τον δήμον υπέρ του νόμου, όκωσπερ τείχεος", δηλαδή ο λαός πρέπει να μάχεται υπέρ του νόμου, όπως όταν υπερασπίζεται τα τείχη της πόλης κατά την προσβολή από τους εχθρούς.
"Όλες οι εξουσίες πηγάζουν από το λαό, υπάρχουν υπέρ αυτού και ασκούνται όπως το Σύνταγμα ορίζει".
Συνεπώς η εξουσία βρίσκεται έξω από την Βουλή. Όσοι είναι μέσα στην Βουλή δεν αποτελούν εξουσία αλλά έχουν ορισθεί από τον λαό να τηρούν το Σύνταγμα και να εφαρμόζουν τους νόμους για λογαριασμό του λαού.
Εφόσον παραβιάζουν το Σύνταγμα, ο λαός έχει δικαίωμα και υποχρέωση να τους ξηλώσει από την καρέκλα και να αποκαταστήσει τη νομιμότητα.
Αυτό άλλωστε προβλέπει το ίδιο το Σύνταγμα στο Άρθρο 120 §4: "Η τήρηση του παρόντος (του Συντάγματος) επαφίεται στον πατριωτισμό των Ελλήνων, που δικαιούνται και υποχρεούνται να αντιστέκονται με κάθε μέσον εναντίον οποιουδήποτε επιχειρεί να το καταλύσει με τη βία".
Ο λαός συνεπώς καλύπτεται νομικά από κάθε άποψη: Και στο να διαδηλώνει και να διαμαρτύρεται με συγκεντρώσεις στις πλατείες της χώρας αλλά -κυρίως- δικαιούται και υποχρεούται να αντιστέκεται με κάθε μέσον εναντίον όποιου επιχειρεί να καταλύσει το Σύνταγμα!
Όταν δε, οι εκλεγμένοι από το λαό βουλευτές, έχουν ήδη παραβιάσει το Σύνταγμα υπογράφοντας παράνομη δανειακή σύμβαση με την τρόϊκα, στην οποία σήμερα εκχωρούν την δημόσια περιουσία, χωρίς την έγκριση ή εξουσιοδότηση του λαού, τότε ο λαός δικαιούται ή υποχρεούται να ανατρέψει την κυβέρνηση. Κατ' αυτό τον τρόπο προστατεύει την εθνική κυριαρχία της χώρας.
Ο Ηράκλειτος ο οποίος πρέσβευε ότι πρέπει να υπάρχει απόλυτος σεβασμός στους νόμους, πριν από 2500 χρόνια είχε πει: "Μάχεσθαι χρη τον δήμον υπέρ του νόμου, όκωσπερ τείχεος", δηλαδή ο λαός πρέπει να μάχεται υπέρ του νόμου, όπως όταν υπερασπίζεται τα τείχη της πόλης κατά την προσβολή από τους εχθρούς.
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