Δευτέρα 29 Νοεμβρίου 2010

Wikileaks -- Η ΝΕΑ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ ΤΗΣ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑΣ - THE NEW TURKISH POLICY

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RUEUITH/ODC ANKARA TUC O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 06 ANKARA 000087



SIPDIS



DEPARTMENT ALSO FOR EUR/SE



E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/19/2020

TAGS: PREL TU

SUBJECT: WHAT LIES BENEATH ANKARA'S NEW FOREIGN POLICY



REF: A. 09 ANKARA 1717

¶B. 09 ISTANBUL 466

¶C. 09 ANKARA 1561 (EXDIS)



Classified By: Ambassador James Jeffrey for reasons 1.4 (b,d)



INTRODUCTION/COMMENT

--------------------



¶1. (C) There is much talk in chanceries and in the

international media these days about Turkey's new, highly

activist foreign policy, which unquestionably represents a

transition not only from prior governments, but also from the

AKP regime before the Gaza/Davos events, and before the

ascent of Ahmet Davutoglu as Foreign Minister in April. Some

commentaries are upbeat, but others, including many experts

and editorial writers in the US, have expressed concern. The

ruling AKP foreign policy is driven by both a desire to be

more independently activist, and by a more Islamic

orientation. Frankly, rational national interest,

particularly trade opportunities and stability

considerations, also drives Turkey's new slant. Major

challenges with us in the coming months include the direction

of Turkish-Israeli relations, the fate of the Protocols with

Armenia, and the Turkish posture vis--vis Iran.



¶2. (C) Does all this mean that the country is becoming more

focused on the Islamist world and its Muslim tradition in its

foreign policy? Absolutely. Does it mean that it is

"abandoning" or wants to abandon its traditional Western

orientation and willingness to cooperate with us? Absolutely

not. At the end of the day we will have to live with a Turkey

whose population is propelling much of what we see. This

calls for a more issue-by-issue approach, and recognition

that Turkey will often go its own way. In any case, sooner

or later we will no longer have to deal with the current cast

of political leaders, with their special yen for destructive

drama and - rhetoric. But we see no one better on the

horizon, and Turkey will remain a complicated blend of world

class "Western" institutions, competencies, and orientation,

and Middle Eastern culture and religion. END INTRODUCTION.



COMPONENTS OF POLICY

--------------------



"The Traditional Western"



¶3. (C) Turkish policy today is a mix of "traditional Western"

orientation, attitudes and interests, and two new elements,

linked with new operational philosophies: "zero conflicts"

and "neo-Ottomanism." The traditional still represents the

core of Turkish foreign policy, and is centered on

cooperation and integration with the West. Its core is NATO,

the customs union with the EU, and most significantly, the EU

accession effort. This all began with the Ottoman effort to

emulate the European great powers, and was propelled

powerfully forward by Ataturk. Nevertheless the country was

on the sidelines in World War II. It was only the threat of

the USSR, and the dominance (and outstretched hand) of the

US, that led to the "Turkey we know": tough combat partner

in Korea, major NATO ally, US anchor in the Middle East.

Much of this continues.



¶4. (C) Europe is by far Turkey's most important economic

partner in terms of investment and trade. The EU accounts for

42 percent of Turkey,s total trade, while the US accounts

for a bit less than 5 percent. While the US is much less

important in terms of trade statistics, it remains important

in various sectors (e.g.energy, aviation, military), and in

various ways. NATO is essential to and much respected by



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Turkey. (Note: The fact that "only" about one-third of the

Turkish population in one poll see NATO as important to

Turkey's security is actually a plus; on any poll Turks

usually are overwhelmingly negative about any foreign

engagement or relationship. But we should not be too

sanguine here since support for NATO has been halved over the

past decade. End Note) The military is armed by the US, and

Turkey recognizes that many fires in its back yard -- from

Iraq to Afghanistan and Pakistan -- can only be solved by

close cooperation with and acceptance of US and NATO

leadership. Finally, even AKP leaders know that much of

their allure or "wasta" in the Middle East and elsewhere

stems from their privileged position in key Western clubs.

This traditional orientation may be shaken, or reduced, but

as it has both significant buy-in by elites of all

philosophies, and many concrete advantages, Turkey will not

abandon it.



"Zero Problems with Turkey's Neighbors"



¶5. (C) But this Turkey is trying to "post-modernize" itself.

One major area of AKP effort has been to resolve problems

with Turkey's immediate "near abroad." This effort stands in

contrast with the "traditional" Turkish policy of letting

these frozen conflicts fester, and is much more compatible

with US and European interests. The list of Turkish

initiatives under the AKP is impressive: accepting the Annan

Plan in 2004 to resolve Cyprus, continuing the 1999

rapprochement with Greece, the opening to Armenia culminating

in the signing of recognition protocols, warming and

productive relations with both Baghdad and Erbil (the latter

complemented by significant reforms in Turkey's relations

with its own Kurdish population). The signature

accomplishment of this policy is the wooing of Syria. While

this road to Damascus in fact was paved by Syria's

accommodation of prior Turkish governments' demands

(relinquishing claims on Turkey's Hatay province, expelling

Ocalan), it is touted by the Turks as a game-changer. As

noted below, they have leveraged it to tackle a number of

regional problems, from Lebanon to Iran.



¶6. (C) While this new approach is to be applauded, there is a

fly in its ointment. Little of true practical and final

accomplishment has been achieved. Cyprus is still split

(albeit the fault, at least in terms of the Annan plan, lies

more with the Greek Cypriots and the EU); tensions with

Greece in the Aegean continue; the Protocols with Armenia

have not been ratified due to Turkish concerns about

Nagorno-Karabakh; Iraq's instability and the KRG's

unwillingness to do more against the PKK raise questions

about the sustainability of Turkey's constructive Iraq

policy; the rapprochement with Syria has not really produced

any Syrian "flip" away from Iran. Granted, Turkey is dealing

with some of the world's most difficult actors, and facing

stiff opposition at home to making more concessions, but the

proof of this pudding is yet to be seen.



"Neo Ottomanism"



¶7. (C) The idea of Turkey using its cultural and religious

links to the Middle East to the advantage of both Turkish

interests and regional stability is not new with the AKP, but

has been given much more priority by it, in part because of

the Islamic orientation of much of the party, including

leaders Erdogan, Gul, and Davutoglu. Moreover, the AKP's

constant harping on its unique understanding of the region,

and outreach to populations over the heads of conservative,

pro-US governments, have led to accusations of

"neo-Ottomanism." Rather than deny, Davutoglu has embraced

this accusation. Himself the grandson of an Ottoman soldier



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who fought in Gaza, Davutoglu summed up the Davutoglu/AKP

philosophy in an extraordinary speech in Sarajevo in late

2009 (REF A). His thesis: the Balkans, Caucasus, and Middle

East were all better off when under Ottoman control or

influence; peace and progress prevailed. Alas the region has

been ravaged by division and war ever since. (He was too

clever to explicitly blame all that on the imperialist

western powers, but came close). However, now Turkey is back,

ready to lead -- or even unite. (Davutoglu: "We will

re-establish this (Ottoman) Balkan").



¶8. (C) While this speech was given in the Balkans, most of

its impact is in the Middle East. Davutoglu's theory is that

most of the regimes there are both undemocratic and

illegitimate. Turkey, building on the alleged admiration

among Middle Eastern populations for its economic success and

power, and willing to stand up for the interests of the

people, reaches over the regimes to the "Arab street."

Turkey's excoriating the Israelis over Gaza, culminating in

the insulting treatment of President Peres by Erdogan at

Davos in 2009, illustrates this trend. To capitalize on its

rapport with the people, and supposed diplomatic expertise

and Ottoman experience, Turkey has thrown itself into a

half-dozen conflicts as a mediator. This has worked well, as

noted above, with Iraq, and was quite successful in the

Syrian-Israeli talks before Gaza. Turkey has also achieved

some limited success on Lebanon and in bringing Saudi Arabia

and Syria together. As noted below, however, this policy

brings with it great frictions, not just with us and the

Europeans but with many supposed beneficiaries of a return to

Ottoman suzerainty. Furthermore, it has not achieved any

single success of note.



WHY THE CHANGE?

---------------



¶9. (C) Various factors explain the shifts we see in Turkish

foreign policy beyond the personal views of the AKP

leadership:



-- Islamization: As reported REF B, religiosity has been

increasing in Turkey in past years, just as has been seen in

many other Muslim societies. The AKP is both a beneficiary

of, and a stimulus for, this phenomenon. However, bitter

opposition within Turkey against domestic "pro-Islamic"

reforms (e.g., head scarves) has frustrated the AKP, and a

more "Islamic" or "Middle Eastern" foreign policy offers an

alternative sop for the AKP's devout base.



-- Success: Despite its problems, Turkey over the past 50

years has been a success story, rising to the 16th largest

economy and membership in the G-20. This, along with its

extraordinary security situation compared to all other

regional states, and democratic system, encourage a more

active -- and more independent -- leadership role in regional

and even global affairs.



-- Economics: one secret of Turkish success has been its

trade and technology-led economic growth. This growth is in

good part thanks to its customs union with the EU, by far its

biggest export market, and resulting investment from the EU,

as well as decades of technology transfer and educational

assistance from the U.S. Nevertheless, with exports to the

EU down due to the 2008-2009 crisis, Turkey is looking for

new markets, particularly in the hydrocarbon rich Arab world,

Iran, Russia, and Caucasus/Central Asia. They have money,

and strong import demand, and Turkey is dependent on them for

its oil and gas. These countries, however, (along with

China-another Turkish export target) tend much more than the

EU and North America to mix politics and trade. To some



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degree the West thus is taken for granted and economic

priority is directed towards relations with the Middle East

and "Eurasia."



-- Civilians ascendant: Erdogan's political success -

together with a number of messy scandals resulting in public

investigation - has meant that the Turkish General Staff now

plays a much smaller role in defining Turkey's foreign

policy. Turkey's support to NATO is still strong, but it now

lacks the suspicion of Russia which the cold-war instinct of

General Staff brought to the mix.



-- EU disillusionment: Both popular and elite Turkish

opinion has recently grown much more pessimistic about

eventual EU membership -- or even its value. The reasons for

this are complex, but include the shifting mood in Europe

towards Islam, the replacement of "pro-Turkey" leaders in

France and Germany by Sarkozy and Merkel, both decidedly cool

towards Turkey's EU membership, and a sense in Turkey of

distance from and lack of sympathy for Europe.



-- Relativization of the Western anchor. An op-ed in the

Financial Times by Gideon Rechman on January 4 noted

correctly the tendency of the "young giants" -- South Africa,

Brazil, India, and Turkey -- to pursue Third Worldish

policies and rhetoric even while benefitting enormously from

the globalized trade and international security created and

maintained by the "West." That certainly characterizes

Turkey. With the end of the cold war, relative success in

the struggle with the PKK, and the "taming" of Syria, Iraq,

and (at least from Turkey's point of view) Iran, Turkey's

need for NATO and U.S. security is reduced. Its dependence

on Western trade, investment, technology transfer and

educational exchange remains critical, but is regarded as a

"free good" that Turkey deserves and does not have to expend

effort for. Relations with its various new friends in the

North-East-South or on the other hand require effort which is

facilitated by some downplaying of Turkey's Western anchor.



DAVUTOGLU DISCONTENTS

---------------------



¶10. (C) The AKP's new approach to international affairs

receives mixed reviews inside and outside Turkey. It is not

a major factor in the AKP's relative popularity, but several

elements of it (unfortunately, those we are least happy with)

do appeal to voters. Criticism of Israel post-Gaza is

overwhelmingly popular, and the relatively soft Turkish

position on Iran -- a country about which many Turks are

skeptical -- is presumably helpful with a narrow, but for

Erdogan's electoral fate important, group of Islamic voters

associated with former PM Erbakan.



¶11. (C) Nevertheless, many in Turkey's large westernized

elite see the Islamic Outreach as a complement to the alleged

AKP plan to Islamize Turkish society, and complain bitterly

about their country's losing its western moorings. The

Nationalist segment in Turkey, mobilized most by the

Nationalist Action Party (MHP), sees the AKP's compromises on

Armenia, the KRG in northern Iraq, Cyprus, etc, as a betrayal

of diaspora "Turks" (the Iraqi Turkomen, Azeris, Turkish

Cypriots, etc) and charges that the AKP is trying to replace

the Republic's organizing principle of "Turkism" with the

broader Islamic "Umma." The Republican People's Party (CHP),

the lead opposition party, attacks AKP foreign policy

relatively ineffectively with a mix of MHP-like nationalist

rhetoric and "abandoning the west" criticism.



¶12. (C) But it is in the EU that the Erdogan foreign policy

of late has run into the heaviest of sailing. To some degree



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European angst at Turkey's "new direction" is viewed as an

excuse to pummel Turkey to score domestic points among

anti-foreigner elements. But there is real concern in

Europe, made manifest by the Rasmussen NATO SecGen issue last

April. Europeans were furious with Turkey's presentng itself

as the "Islamic" voice or conscience in NATO, having

consulted with Middle Eastern States before talking to its

NATO allies. Extrapolating that behavior into the even more

diversity-intolerant EU is a nightmare. Erdogan's foreign

(and domestic) policy orientation conjures up not just a

clash of Christianity and Islam, but the spectre of a "meld"

of Europe and the Middle East, and of Europe's secularlism

with oriental religiosity. Davutoglu and others argue that

Turkey's "success" as a coming Middle East power makes it

more attractive to the EU -- giving Europe a new foreign

policy "market" through Turkey. While some in Europe appear

interested in this idea, ironically including Turkey EU

membership skeptic France, this does not seem to carry much

weight in most European capitals, let alone populations.



¶13. (C) Finally, not all of the ex-Ottomans look with

fondness on their past under the Pashas, or yearn for

Turkey's return. Reaction among many in the Balkans to

Davutoglu's Sarejevo speech (REF A) was quite strong. In the

Middle East itself, the Arab street might applaud Turkey's

populistic and essentially cost-free support for more radical

elements, but it's not particularly appreciated by rulers

(although Turkey seems to have made some progress with Syria,

brokered a rapprochement between President Bashir and Saudi

King Abdullah, and has had some role in resolving the Lebanon

cabinet stalemate). Sooner or later, though, Turkey will

have to produce results, take risks, commit real resources,

and take hard decisions to augment a policy now consisting

mainly of popular slogans, ceaseless trips, and innumerable

signatures on MOUs of little importance. The experience with

Iran, which despite significant Turkish verbal support and

wooing, appears uninterested in granting Turkey any

concessions, or agreeing to a Turkish lead in mediation

efforts, is telling.



THE PROBLEM FOR THE US

----------------------



¶14. (C) Turkey's new foreign policy is a mixed bag for us.

Having regional heavyweights take on burdens, thereby

relieving us, has long been a desired goal of US policy, but

it comes with a certain loss of control. Nevertheless, on a

whole host of key issues of supreme importance to us --

Afghanistan and Pakistan, cooperation in and on Iraq, NATO

efforts (although a leading Turkish role in Missile Defense

will not be easy) -- Turkey is a crucial ally, and our use of

Incirlik, Habur gate, and Turkish airspace for our Iraq and

Afghanistan operations is indispensible. Its "zero

conflicts" initiatives, which have moved Turkey forward on

more of the key bilateral spats -- Cyprus, Greece, Kurds,

Northern Iraq, Armenia -- than we have seen with any other

Turkish government, also support U.S. interests.



¶15. (C) Nevertheless, these latter issues illustrate two

problems. At least in Turkish eyes, on this complex of

issues the US , especially the media, interest groups, and

Congress, default to a "blame Turkey" posture regardless of

whatever it does. Second, Turkey has repeatedly run into

trouble actually consummating these various openings -- the

Armenian protocols being the best example, but continued

overflights of Greek islands and domestic opposition to the

Kurdish opening are also relevant. What we fear is that this

inability to bring to conclusion foreign policy initiatives

will affect not just the above, but most Turkish policy,

given the over-extension of Davutoglu and his team, and a



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tendency to substitute rhetoric for long term investment of

diplomatic, military, and assistance capital. (Fortunately,

Afghanistan/Pakistan and Iraq are the two major exceptions to

this tendency.)



¶16. (C) The greatest potential strategic problem for the US,

however, and the one that has some of the commentators

howling, is the Turks neo-Ottoman posturing around the Middle

East and Balkans. This "back to the past" attitude so clear

in Davutoglu's Sarajevo speech, combined with the Turks'

tendency to execute it through alliances with more Islamic or

more worrisome local actors, constantly creates new problems.

Part of this is structural. Despite their success and

relative power, the Turks really can't compete on equal terms

with either the US or regional "leaders" (EU in the Balkans,

Russia in the Caucasus/Black Sea, Saudis, Egyptians and even

Iranians in the ME). With Rolls Royce ambitions but Rover

resources, to cut themselves in on the action the Turks have

to "cheat" by finding an underdog (this also plays to

Erdogan's own worldview), a Siladjcic, Mish'al, or

Ahmadinejad, who will be happy to have the Turks take up his

cause. The Turks then attempt to ram through revisions to at

least the reigning "Western" position to the favor of their

guy. Given, again, the questioning of Western policy and

motives by much of the Turkish public and the AKP, such an

approach provides a relatively low cost and popular tool to

demonstrate influence, power, and the "we're back" slogan.



¶17. (C) This has been, so far, manageable, if at times high

maintenance, in the Balkans and Mideast, although the damage

to Israeli-Turkish relations remains serious. If the Turks

are genuine in their desire to draw Syria away from Iran, and

if they begin achieving real success rather than telephone

books worth of questionable protocols, then that will be of

benefit to us all. But with Iran itself it is a different

story. REF C describes the background to the Turkish

relationship with Iran, one more complicated than with their

ex-Ottoman Arab and other subjects. Trade/hydrocarbon

interests, Turkish aversion to sanctions stemming from the

first Gulf War, Erdogan's vocal "third worldism" and certain

domestic political considerations all push Turkey in the

wrong direction. Unlike with many of the other issues,

however, Turkey will have to stand and be counted on Iran, in

the Security Council, with MD, and in implementation of UN or

US sanctions. This will have a profound effect on relations

second only to the fate of the Armenian protocols over the

next year.

Jeffrey



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